This commentary was first published in the Journal of Democracy.

Lee Jae-myung of the Democratic Party won South Korea’s June 3 presidential election with 49.4 percent of the vote. The outcome was widely anticipated, given a political climate that strongly favored the liberal camp in the aftermath of the impeachment of President Yoon Suk Yeol. Still, Lee’s victory was not as overwhelming as some might have expected. With 99.6 percent of the votes tallied, the two main conservative candidates — Kim Moon-soo and Lee Jun-seok — together garnered a slightly higher combined vote share of 49.5 percent (41.2 percent and 8.3 percent, respectively) Why, then, did Korean voters ultimately choose Lee Jae-myung but with a measured endorsement rather than a landslide victory, and what does it mean for Korean democracy?

This election followed a period of intense political turmoil that began with President Yoon’s declaration of martial law on December 3 of last year and his impeachment just two months ago. While the election results were expected, they still raise important questions about the future of Korean democracy. Do the last six months reflect the resilience of democratic institutions — capable of self-correction through legal and electoral processes — or, have these events exposed the fragility of Korea’s democracy, with its deep political divisions and public distrust in leadership?

In many ways, the answer is both. Civic engagement and a peaceful transfer of power during such a challenging episode suggest a strong democratic foundation. At the same time, the election outcome still shows a highly polarized electorate, underscoring the hurdles that lie ahead for Korean society and politics.

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2017 vs. 2025

This was the second time in a decade that Korea held a snap presidential election. The first occurred eight years ago, following the impeachment of President Park Geun-hye. In this regard, Koreans have grown familiar with the impeachment process and snap elections. In both instances, the impeached presidents — Park in 2017 and Yoon in 2025 — were conservatives, and both elections resulted in liberal victories, with Moon Jae-in (2017–22) and now Lee Jae-myung taking office.

The 2025 election, however, differs significantly from the 2017 contest, with important implications for Korean democracy.

First, the impeachment process this time was far more divisive. In 2017, liberal groups mobilized millions in mass protests demanding Park’s removal, and conservatives largely accepted the outcome without major resistance. In contrast, Yoon’s impeachment was extremely contentious, sparking counterprotests from conservative groups. Waving “Stop the Steal” signs, far-right movements gained strength, determined not to see a repeat of 2017, which not only led to defeat at the polls but also a brutal campaign of political retribution by the ensuing liberal government.

Second, this polarization profoundly influenced voting behavior. Even conservatives who criticized Yoon’s declaration of martial law ultimately rallied behind Kim, a candidate less critical of the controversial order. The left-right political divide had deepened during the Moon and Yoon administrations. In 2017, a centrist candidate like Ahn Cheol-soo could attract more than 20 percent of the vote. In 2025, however, such space for a centrist voice has all but vanished. The election became a fierce contest between liberals (Lee Jae-myung) and conservatives (Kim Moon-soo and Lee Jun-seok), reflecting the polarized electorate.

Third, the tense political atmosphere left little room for substantive policy debate. While important topics including artificial intelligence, energy, climate change, social reconciliation, and foreign policy were included in their campaign pledges, discussions around these issues remained superficial at best. Instead, the campaign was dominated by harsh personal attacks and negative rhetoric from all sides.

Reformer or Strongman?

Given that this was a snap election, the new administration will assume office immediately on June 4 without the usual transition period. What can we expect from the new leader, particularly regarding Korea’s democratic future?

Lee’s appeal lies in his image as a pragmatic reformer, someone who speaks to economic struggles and social inequalities facing ordinary Koreans. His personal story itself resonates deeply: Born into poverty, he overcame significant hardship to become a human-rights lawyer, then rose through the political ranks as mayor of Seongnam, a city near Seoul, and later as governor of Gyeonggi Province, the most populous province in the country, before taking the Democratic Party leadership. This dramatic personal and political ascent has inspired many Korean citizens.

Yet Lee’s candidacy has not been without controversy. He remains under multiple criminal investigations and court trials related to charges of bribery, corruption, and breaking election laws, and his often-combative style has created the perception of a deeply polarizing figure. Many conservatives view Lee as a radical populist who shows insufficient regard for democratic norms and institutional checks.

Given the mixed perception and expectation surrounding President Lee, what kind of leadership can we expect from his administration? Two possible paths seem to lie ahead for the new leader still relatively unknown to the outside world: one resembling the approach of former president Moon Jae-in, and the other inspired by the legacy of Korea’s first liberal president, Kim Dae-jung (1998–2003). The direction Lee chooses will have major implications for the future of Korean democracy.

Lee may follow in the footsteps of Moon Jae-in, leading a campaign of political retribution that pushes Korea toward illiberal democracy. Lee has personal reasons for political resentment: He was aggressively investigated by the Yoon administration and still faces ongoing legal challenges. He has spoken publicly about the need to root out what he calls “forces of insurrection,” raising concerns that he might pursue a hardline campaign similar to Moon’s controversial efforts to “eradicate deep-rooted evils.”

Lee’s party has also pledged to advance judicial reforms that could weaken the Supreme Court, which on May 1 overturned an earlier acquittal by the Seoul High Court of Lee’s criminal charge of election-law violation. With his party now holding a parliamentary majority, traditional checks and balances could be on the line. If Lee uses his consolidated executive and congressional power to settle political scores, the result will only deepen social divisions and facilitate democratic backsliding. In such a scenario, he risks being viewed in Korea and elsewhere as yet another strongman leader in a world where such figures have been on the rise.

Alternatively, Lee could chart a course akin to that of former president Kim Dae-jung, who is widely considered a respected statesman and reformer. Kim overcame intense personal hardship, including a death sentence under a military regime, and yet chose reconciliation over revenge when he took power. He formed a coalition with conservative leader Kim Jong-pil and guided the country through the Asian financial crisis with a focus on national unity and pragmatic reform. Unlike Moon, who turned over power to the conservatives after five years, Kim effectively enabled a liberal succession.

Lee, often viewed as less ideological and more pragmatic than Moon, could take a similar path — one centered on cooperation, healing, and practical solutions. This possibility appears plausible given that his key advisors on both domestic and foreign affairs are not cut from the same cloth as Moon’s inner circle. By emulating Kim’s legacy, Lee could rise above political divides and earn broad national and international respect.

What Lies Ahead?

The political drama of the last six months ended with this election, but its impact on Korea’s democracy will be enduring. On one hand, the peaceful resolution of a snap election, especially following the highly contentious impeachment process, demonstrates the strength and resilience of Korean democratic institutions. Voters remained highly engaged (turnout was 79.4 percent, the highest since 1997), and the electoral process held firm under pressure.

On the other hand, the deep partisan divides expose fissures in Korea’s democratic fabric. Mistrust in political elites, a divided society, and a highly polarized media environment often dominated by sensationalism continue to threaten constructive democratic dialogue. Moreover, the rise of populist rhetoric on both the left and right reflects an electorate increasingly driven by emotional appeals or identity politics rather than substantive policy debate or national vision. Without a concerted effort by both liberals and conservatives toward reconciliation, political polarization is likely to deepen. Bridging that divide will be one of the most critical and difficult tasks for Korean democracy.

Despite his election victory, Lee faces a challenging road ahead, both personally and politically. Since the Supreme Court overturned Lee’s acquittal of violating election law, the case is set to go back to the Seoul High Court for retrial on June 18. While the final ruling is likely to be delayed until after his term ends, the case may continue to cast a shadow over his integrity and credibility as the country’s top leader.

Lee also has the daunting task of delivering the institutional reforms promised during his campaign. In particular, he needs to follow up on his pledge to replace the current single five-year presidential term with a four-year term allowing for a subsequent reelection. This change could bring political stability, as presidents would have an incentive to perform well during their first term to secure a second one. Furthermore, a potential eight-year presidency would provide more time to implement long-term policies. Past presidents have made similar promises, but none have succeeded in realizing them. It remains to be seen whether Lee’s administration can rise above partisan politics and rebuild public trust through meaningful reforms.

Ultimately, this election has been both a stress test and a reaffirmation of Korea’s democratic resilience. It highlights the urgent need for democratic renewal, while demonstrating that, even in times of deep political division, democratic institutions and norms can endure. This lesson holds global relevance, particularly for the United States, where democracy is also being put to the test.

Gi-Wook Shin's Election Analysis in the Media

Lee Jae-myung begins his road to power. Can he fulfill his promises amid numerous challenges?
Caixin Media, June 6 (Chinese, subscription) quoted)

He survived a knife attack, stormed Parliament, and campaigned in a bulletproof vest. Now he's going to heal a country.
Politiken, June 4 (Danish, subscription) (quoted)

Lee Poised for Decisive Win in South Korea's Snap Election
AFP, June 3 (quoted)

New South Korean President Lee Takes Power After Resounding Election Win
AFP, June 3 (quoted)

The Challenges Facing South Korea's New Leader Lee
AFP, June 3 (quoted) 

Albania | Colombia | Democratic Republic of Congo | Egypt | Ethiopia | Ghana | India | Kazakhstan | Kenya | Kyrgyzstan | Mongolia | Pakistan | Russia | Senegal | Tibet | Turkey | Ukraine | Venezuela

ALBANIA
 

Lisjana Hila is an expert in financial sector development and economic growth, with a strong track record leading EU- and OECD-backed initiatives to improve SME access to finance across Libya, Montenegro, Uganda, and Palestine. She specializes in strengthening financial ecosystems, supporting regulatory reforms, and fostering private sector competitiveness in emerging markets. Lisjana holds an International MBA from Paris School of Business and a Master’s in Finance and Insurance from the University of Turin. She is fluent in Albanian, Italian, English, and French, with basic knowledge of Arabic.

COLOMBIA
 

Paloma Valencia has served as a Colombian senator since 2014. One of the strongest voices opposing President Petro’s leftist government, she is frequently cited as one of Colombia’s top senators. She currently sits on the First Commission, serves as co-president of the Senate’s Peace Commission, and is vice-president of the Human Rights Commission. Valencia has authored legislation that reduces bureaucracy for small businesses, supports artisanal liquor production, and redirects mining royalties toward environmental protection. A strong advocate for state austerity, she also champions the rights of single mothers, coffee growers, and farmers. Her reform efforts span public administration, the justice system, and political institutions. She holds degrees in law, philosophy, and economics from Universidad de Los Andes and earned a Master’s in Creative Writing from NYU.

DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO
 

Jean Pierre Okenda is a distinguished lawyer, activist, and senior analyst in extractive industries governance. He holds a master’s degree in law and currently serves as Executive Director of Sentinel Natural Resources. A strong advocate for participatory governance and human rights in the extractive sector, Okenda has made a lasting impact through legal and policy reforms. In 2018, he played a key role in the commission responsible for reforming the Democratic Republic of Congo’s mining laws, helping to introduce provisions for equitable wealth sharing with affected communities. In recognition of his leadership in combating corruption, he was named one of the 100 most influential Africans in 2022. 

EGYPT
 

Tamer Elnahas is a political strategist and writer. With leadership roles in multiple parties, including the Egyptian Social Democratic Party and Masr El-Gedida (New Egypt), he has shaped grassroots mobilization efforts and electoral strategies. As a fierce advocate for democracy, he challenges authoritarian narratives through his widely read political analysis. Alongside his activism, Elnahas is an assistant professor and an expert in reproductive health.
 

Waleed Shawky is a political activist and researcher with over a decade of experience in democratic movements. He co-founded the April 6 Youth Movement, which played a key role in the 2011 Egyptian revolution, contributing to its strategic planning and digital communications. He holds a Master of Public Administration from Harvard Kennedy School and writes for MadaMasr, AlManasa, and the Journal of Democracy.

ETHIOPIA
 

Tigist Hailu Asfawossen is a peace, security, and strategic communications expert with 20+ years of experience in peace work in Africa. She currently leads strategic communications at the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), focusing on high-stakes diplomatic processes and translating conflict analysis into actionable insights. She led communications for IGAD’s South Sudan mediation process and numerous preventive diplomacy missions. A member of the African Union’s FEMWISE-Africa network and an international election observer, she is also a certified trainer in Conflict Prevention, Management, and Resolution (CPMR). She holds an MA in International Politics from the University of Bradford.

GHANA
 

Bright Sowu has over 10 years’ experience in anti-corruption and good governance. He currently serves as a Principal Staff Officer at Ghana’s Office of the Special Prosecutor, focusing on research and programs. Bright has previously worked with the Ghana Anti-Corruption Coalition, the European Union, the Japanese Embassy, and the University of Ghana. He has also worked as an anti-corruption consultant with Project Expedite Justice - Sudan, the UNCAC Coalition in Vienna, and ERGO, a New York consultancy firm. Bright is a course facilitator on “Democracy and Good Governance” for the Daakye Youth Fellowship. He holds an MPhil in Development Studies from the University of Cambridge, U.K.

INDIA
 

Hemakshi Meghani is the co-founder of the Indian School of Democracy (ISD), an organization dedicated to nurturing principled political leaders. She led ISD from its inception in 2018 until 2024. A World Bank Graduate Scholar, she earned her Master’s in Public Policy from the Harvard Kennedy School. Hemakshi began her career as a Teach For India fellow and later worked on education policy with Indus Action and the Boston Consulting Group. She has facilitated global leadership forums and is an Echoing Green Fellow, Acumen Foundry member, and a Dalai Lama Fellow. She is currently reimagining her work to advance inclusive democracy and increase women’s representation in politics.
 

Kastaurika Saikia is a development consultant from India, with over a decade of experience driving public sector initiatives across diverse domains — urban governance, public health, livelihoods, youth skilling, and gender equity. She holds a Master’s degree in Policy and Governance studies, and specialises in public policy analysis and implementation. Based in Assam, she has engaged with government departments to strengthen service delivery and social programs. She currently leads a regional skilling and self-learning initiative for youth in Northeast India, in partnership with the Skill India Mission. Kastaurika is committed to reducing structural inequalities and advancing human development.
 

Mukesh Kumar is an IAS officer and currently serves as Secretary of State Planning and Development for the Government of Jharkhand. He holds degrees from Patna University, Jawaharlal Nehru University, Delhi University, and IMT Ghaziabad. He played a crucial role in ensuring peaceful elections in Maoist-affected regions, demonstrating strong skills in negotiation, persuasion, and stakeholder collaboration. His “Paint My City” campaign—praised by the Prime Minister of India in Mann Ki Baat—exemplifies his dedication to community engagement and cultural preservation. Mukesh has also mobilized 25,000 tribal women into sustainable enterprises, contributing significantly to their economic empowerment. His efforts have earned him several honors, including the Skoch Award and the Bharat Gaurav Award.

KAZAKHSTAN
 

Dimash Alzhanov is a prominent political analyst and consultant. He holds an MSc in Comparative Politics (Democracy) from the London School of Economics and Political Science and possesses broad expertise in elections and democratization. Since 2014, he has served as a Political and Campaign Finance Analyst with the OSCE/ODIHR on numerous elections, including those in Moldova, Montenegro, Bulgaria, Ukraine, Georgia, Italy, and Malta. Since 2019, he has initiated and managed various projects aimed at promoting political reforms and increasing political participation in Kazakhstan. He recently published a chapter in a book about party politics in authoritarian Kazakhstan.

KENYA
 

Caren Wakoli is the Founder and Executive Director of the Emerging Leaders Foundation (ELF-Africa), a nonprofit organization dedicated to supporting and accompanying young women and men in achieving meaningful, dignified, and impactful participation in governance, the economy, and public affairs at all levels of society. She is a consummate storyteller and believes in the power of stories to advance authentic leadership for sustainable development. With over 22 years of experience in governance, democracy, and youth development, Caren has established herself as a visionary leader in Africa and beyond. She is also a champion for well-being because she believes that well-being facilitates well-doing.
 

Winnie Masai is a dedicated human rights activist from Kenya with over 15 years of experience in media, human rights, and governance. As Executive Director of InformAction, she spearheads initiatives using film, community dialogue, and civic action to promote meaningful change. A founding board member of the Civic Freedoms Forum, she is committed to protecting civic space. Winnie empowers grassroots organizations through the Haki Ni Yetu Coalition and is on the board of the Midriff Hurinet. With a Master of Philosophy and a BSc. in Information Sciences from Moi University, she is passionate about fostering innovation and collaboration to inspire collective action within diverse communities.

KYRGYZSTAN
 

Ernis Isamatov has a strong background in democracy, development, human rights, and the rule of law, with extensive experience in addressing governance challenges. He leads the Trial Monitoring Project, which focuses on high-level corruption and organized crime, advancing transparency and accountability. Isamatov has successfully managed initiatives across the Western Balkans and Central Asia, including roles with OSCE field missions in Skopje and Dushanbe. As a results-driven professional with excellent analytical, reporting, and communication skills, he combines global perspectives with deep local knowledge, advocating for democratic reforms.

MONGOLIA
 

Nagi Otgonshar currently serves as a Member of Parliament in Mongolia. He was elected from the Mongolian People’s Party, the country’s ruling social democratic party, where he previously served as International Secretary. Before entering Parliament, he served as Vice Minister of Mining and prior to that, Senior Advisor to the Chief Cabinet Secretary, Government of Mongolia. He also worked as an investment banker at Bank of America Merrill Lynch in New York and Sydney, covering the natural resources sector in the Asia-Pacific region. Nagi holds an MBA from Harvard Business School, a BA in Economics from Macalester College, and is a Young Global Leader selected by the World Economic Forum.

PAKISTAN
 

Dr. Sara Sarwar is a Deputy Collector of Customs and a qualified medical doctor (MBBS) who transitioned into Pakistan’s civil service to drive institutional reform and advance trade policy. With a career spanning key leadership roles in customs, she has led transformative initiatives focused on regulatory transparency, digitalization, and revenue integrity. Her work emphasizes process optimization, anti-corruption measures, and sustainable trade facilitation, earning her recognition from both the World Customs Organization and the Federal Board of Revenue. She brings a results-driven, policy-focused approach to public sector leadership and economic governance.

RUSSIA
 

Grigory Vaypan is a Russian human rights lawyer and scholar. He is a Senior Lawyer at Memorial, Russia's oldest human rights group and co-recipient of the 2022 Nobel Peace Prize. At Memorial, Grigory carries out litigation, legal research, and legal advocacy on human rights, the rule of law, and transitional justice in Russia. He has over a decade of experience in strategic litigation before the Constitutional Court of Russia and the European Court of Human Rights. Grigory holds his first law degree from Moscow State University, an LL.M. from Harvard Law School, and a Ph.D. in International Law from Saint Petersburg State University.
 

Mark Ten is the CEO of TV Rain (Dozhd), Russia’s largest independent television channel, now based in Amsterdam. He led the company’s relocation and relaunch after its closure by Russian authorities in 2022. Previously, he led, scaled, and sold Sports.ru, Russia’s leading sports media platform. He was named to Forbes Russia’s 30 Under 30. At Dozhd, he oversees editorial, business, and product strategy, focusing on digital transformation and international growth. He holds a degree in sociology and works on projects supporting independent media and innovation.

SENEGAL
 

Malick Mbengue Fall is a Program Manager for the Democratic Futures in Africa Program at the Open Society Foundations, based in Dakar, Senegal. He joined OSF over a decade ago and has previously served in key roles at Open Society Africa and OSIWA, supporting initiatives that promote electoral integrity, economic justice, and human rights across the continent. Malick is a development professional with fourteen years of experience in the philanthropy sector, particularly in Africa. He holds a master’s in political science from Gaston Berger University.

TIBET
 

Tenzin Jigdal is a Member of the Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile, serving on both the Standing and Political Affairs Committees. With over a decade of experience in nonprofit management, he specializes in advocating for Tibet and global human rights. He has successfully led international campaigns, built strategic partnerships, and engaged with diverse stakeholders, including Tibetan civil society organizations and the Central Tibetan Administration (CTA). Driven by a passion for social change, Tenzin is dedicated to advancing the Tibetan movement through innovative outreach, capacity-building, and policy advocacy.

TURKEY
 

Bilal Bilici is a Member of the Turkish Parliament representing Adana. He began his political career with the IYI Party, where he served as the U.S. representative. As of August 2024, he continues his political work with the main opposition party in Turkey, the Republican People’s Party (CHP). A Boston University Economics graduate, he also holds a Master’s in Global Affairs from Bahcesehir University. He has worked at Accenture and Ernst & Young, and served as Vice President of the Turkish-Central American/Caribbean Business Council at DEIK, also sitting on its Turkish-Uzbek Council. He was elected to Parliament in 2023.

UKRAINE*
 

Polina Aldoshyna is a Ukrainian lawyer and civic leader with over nine years of experience in law, public administration, and nonprofit management. She currently leads the BGV Charity Fund, where she oversees social projects that support vulnerable communities. In addition, she serves as a Deputy of the Zhytomyr Regional Council, focusing on local governance and social policy. Throughout her career, Polina has managed over 60 humanitarian projects, including the establishment of psychosocial support centers and aid programs for displaced individuals and veterans.
 

Oleksii Movchan is a Member of the Ukrainian Parliament and Deputy Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada Committee on Economic Development, representing the “Servant of the People” faction. He chairs the subcommittee on public procurements and state property management, and is active in inter-parliamentary groups with the USA, UK, Japan, and others. Before parliament, he led projects at Prozorro.Sale. Oleksii holds degrees from Kyiv-Mohyla Academy, Ukrainian Catholic University, and Kyiv School of Economics. He has advanced key reforms in procurements, state-owned companies, and privatization to support Ukraine’s European Union integration.
 

Maria Golub is a recognized expert on Ukraine’s European and Euro-Atlantic integration, with deep expertise in EU-Ukraine bilateral relations. Based in Brussels, she currently serves as a Senior Political and Policy Advisor to Ukrainian leadership, where she advocates for a just and lasting peace in Ukraine and supports the country’s advancement along the EU integration path through a decisive reform agenda. She is also actively involved in shaping Ukraine’s reconstruction strategy and is a strong proponent of the “build back better” principle, championing an ambitious revival plan for the country.
 

Alyona Nevmerzhytska is CEO of hromadske.ua, Ukraine’s leading independent online media platform. She began her career in 2012 at the Kyiv Post and has since focused on business development and organizational strategy. At hromadske, she has enhanced audience engagement and strengthened data-driven decision-making. Committed to building sustainable models for independent media, she ensures ethical newsroom operations and promotes democratic values. She is a graduate of the Stockholm School of Economics, an Atlantic Council Millennium Fellow, and a 2024 McCain Institute Global Leader.
 

*These fellows are jointly participating in CDDRL’s Strengthening Ukrainian Democracy and Development Program.

VENEZUELA
 

Isabella Picón Ball is a Venezuelan social activist, researcher, and consultant. She holds an undergraduate degree in Political Science from Northwestern University, an MSc in Political Communications from the London School of Economics (LSE), and is a Chevening Scholar. She actively participated in the 2017 and 2019 civil resistance campaigns against the dictatorship of Nicolas Maduro, co-founding @LaboCiudadano and helping it become an organization and activist collective that promotes nonviolent action. She is now part of Labo's board of advisors. In 2024, she and other political and social activists led the initiative Toma El Control, a campaign and platform aimed at promoting civic organizing and youth participation in the 2024 Presidential Elections.
 

Lilian Tintori is a certified coach, human rights advocate, and founder of “Free Them,” the Political Prisoner Program of the World Liberty Congress. A Venezuelan living in exile in Spain, she supports families of political prisoners and leads international advocacy for their release. She holds degrees from Universidad Católica Andrés Bello and completed leadership training at IE Madrid. The “Free Them” program is grounded in Pathway to Freedom, a handbook she helped develop with interdisciplinary experts to equip families with tools to secure the release of their loved ones. She also coaches leaders through IESE Business School and the Human Rights Foundation, providing emotional support and enhancing mental health.

Other notable presentations included discussions on public deliberation practices in South Korea, deliberative mini-publics in France, deliberative participatory budgeting in China, and Mongolia’s experience with deliberative democracy in a global context. One of the panelists for the latter topic included Bulgantuya Khurelbaatar, Vice Chairwoman of the State Great Hural of Mongolia, an alumna of CDDRL’s 2022 Fisher Family Summer Fellows Program.

On the second day of the event, Mongolian representatives also presented Fishkin with a Mongolian translation of his forthcoming book, Can Deliberation Cure the Ills of Democracy? (Oxford University Press, July 2025).

Siu emphasized the significance of the recognition: "Awarding this honor to James Fishkin is a testament to the profound impact his work has had on the field of deliberative democracy, not only in Mongolia but across the globe. His innovative approach has inspired countless individuals to engage in meaningful dialogue and foster a more deliberative society."

Gombojav added, “The Law on Deliberative Polling engages social science to help make a better constitutional process. It adds the voice of the people in a representative and thoughtful way. Our collaboration with Professor Fishkin has made all of this possible.“

The Friendship Medal underscores Fishkin’s lasting impact on democratic innovation, both in Mongolia and globally, as Deliberative Polling continues to help shape more inclusive governance practices around the world.

Santos, who received the Nobel Peace Prize in 2016 for his efforts to end a five-decades-long civil war with a guerrilla group that killed more than 200,000 people in the South American country, served as president of Colombia from 2010 to 2018.

Known as a tenacious negotiator, Santos said, “The big challenge in the 140 conflicts currently in the world is that leaders need to sit down and talk in very constructive ways.”

Titled “The Power of Long-View Leadership,” the event included opening remarks from Alberto Díaz-Cayeros, senior fellow at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies (FSI), as well as a brief response followed by an audience Q&A moderated by Héctor Hoyos, director of the Center for Latin American Studies.

Díaz-Cayeros said, “This discussion is especially timely and vital today as we confront global challenges – not only here in the United States but throughout the hemisphere and around the world – that demand both moral courage and a strategic vision.”

Listening, talking

In November 2024, Santos was appointed Chair of The Elders, the organization founded by Nelson Mandela to advocate for peace, justice, human rights, and a sustainable planet.

In his address, Santos explained the process of bringing the guerrilla group – the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, or “FARC” — to the peace negotiating table. A meeting in the late 1990s with Mandela, the South African anti-apartheid activist, was particularly inspirational.

“He taught me why that program (in South Africa) to bring victims and perpetrators together to reconcile for the future was so important,” said Santos, who described it as the most interesting conversation he’s ever had about peacemaking.

So, he started studying peace processes all around the world — the ones that were successful, the ones that failed, and the ones that still held out hope. Gradually, he identified the conditions that were necessary to begin an authentic peace process with the FARC.

“What had my predecessors done wrong? What could I bring from other examples around the world?” He came to understand that three key conditions existed in the Colombian dynamic.

“As long as the guerrillas think that they will win through violence,” Santos said, “they will never sit down in good faith. They have to be convinced that they will never achieve power through violence. Second, the leaders of the guerrillas themselves personally have to be involved in the negotiations.”

Finally, he said, Colombia’s neighbors needed to support the peace process, or the guerrillas would always use those neighbors as safeguards and not commit to the peace process.

Santos brought on advisors who had successfully negotiated peace deals in other global hotspots. Some of the advice was especially sage.

“I was told to treat the FARC not as our enemies but as our adversaries. Enemies you eliminate. Adversaries you beat.” So, he instructed his military to make policy changes and to be conscious of all their actions, which they would live with forever.

“Treat them (FARC members) as human beings,” Santos said. “They have mothers, they have fathers, so while you fight with them, understand that they're human beings. So, I changed the whole military doctrine.”

A 2016 national referendum in Colombia rejected the peace deal by a narrow margin. Since then, the government and FARC have largely upheld the ceasefire and called for a broader national dialogue to continue the peace process.

Today, Santos is concerned that the gains from Colombia’s peace agreement with the FARC are unraveling. “The difficult path in every peace process is how to reconcile in order to have peace in the long run.”
 

Humanity’s clock ticks

In January, Santos was invited to deliver an address at the annual unveiling of the Doomsday Clock’s time, which is set by the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists. He noted that the only criteria that existed through the 1990s was the possibility of nuclear war. Now, existential threats to humanity’s fate have rapidly expanded, including climate change, AI, pandemics, and biological threats.

At 89 seconds to midnight, the Doomsday Clock stands closer to catastrophe than at any moment in its 77-year history, Santos said. The clock speaks to the threats that confound and confront us — and the need for cooperation, unity, and bold leadership to turn back its hands.

Unfortunately, what is happening around the world reflects the contrary, Santos said. The multilateral system, the respect for the rule of law, and the respect for protocols are all under attack.

Long-term leadership that makes decisions — not according to the next election, but according to the well-being of future generations — is what the world truly needs, Santos noted.

“How can we do what we did in Colombia on the world stage? That is the great challenge, and that’s when dialogue is imperative,” he said.
 

Instead of competing amongst each other to see who wins this or who wins that, Santos urged that “world leaders need to sit down and talk about how to work together to avoid nuclear war, control climate change, regulate AI, and more.”

“Every second counts,” he concluded.

Student and community engagement

Following the lecture, Professor Héctor Hoyos praised Santos for his unwavering commitment to education, both as President and throughout his career. Reflecting on a personal experience, Hoyos shared a formative moment from his own childhood, when he received a letter from then-Secretary of Education Santos, recognizing him as one of Colombia's most promising young students. "I want to thank you publicly for that gesture, which went a long way," Hoyos said of the experience that inspired him to pursue the scholarly path he follows today.

The lecture also sparked lively engagement among students, many of whom lined up to ask thoughtful questions about applying Santos’ insights to current global challenges. Their inquiries reflected a desire to connect lessons from Colombia’s peace process to diverse contexts around the world. Santos, practicing the very principles of dialogue he had emphasized, listened attentively, responded thoughtfully, and demonstrated a genuine willingness to engage in a constructive exchange of ideas.

After the event, Santos joined more than twenty students from the Graduate School of Business and other programs for a lunch, where discussions continued on leadership, peacebuilding, and the importance of dialogue in addressing contemporary issues.