For Pita Limjaroenrat, Thailand’s liberal icon and “almost prime minister,” the experience of being banned from politics following his decisive 2023 general election win has only strengthened the calling to fight for democracy in his country.

Thailand’s distinctive power structure – an entrenched alliance among the monarchy, the military, and economic monopolies – has repeatedly undermined and dismantled democratic forces’ attempts to challenge the dominance of unelected institutions. “This is a systematic issue that if I don't stand up for, then it's going to happen to my daughter's generation and my granddaughter's generation,” Pita says.

Joining APARC Director Kiyoteru Tsutsui on the latest episode of the APARC Briefing video series, Pita reflects on his journey, shares lessons in leadership and resilience, and discusses the forward-looking vision that continues to define his commitment to contribute to the conversation on Thailand’s future.

The APARC Briefing interview followed a fireside chat with Pita, Thailand at a Crossroads, hosted by APARC’s Southeast Asia Program, where he examined Thai politics and Southeast Asian regional dynamics.

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The People’s Mandate

In May 2023, Pita led the Move Forward Party (MFP) to win the most seats in Thailand’s general election on a platform of progressive reform. He was poised to lead the country, but a court injunction and parliamentary maneuvering halted his path to the prime ministership. In August 2024, the Thai Constitutional Court disbanded the MFP and banned Pita from politics for ten years. He may still face a lifetime ban. Rather than retreating, however, Pita has reframed his political setback as a summons to a larger mission.

To compartmentalize, find purpose in adversity, and manage anxiety, Pita proactively maps out worst-case scenarios, he revealed. “Once I have that down on paper, I stop worrying,” he said. Having anticipated the possibility of being blocked from power, the event, when it happened, was not a personal shock but the activation of a pre-analyzed outcome. This mindset allows him to see his ban from office as a reversible obstacle in a long-term struggle, citing the comebacks of leaders like Brazil’s President Lula da Silva. 

Politics is a ball that could turn either way, Pita believes. “If there's enough mandate, if there's enough calling from the people that they want me to govern and they want me to run again, whatever legal procedure that is done to me can be reversed. A pathway to power is always there as long as you still have that fire in you and people give you the mandate,” he argues.

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The Art of the Middle Way

Pita’s leadership philosophy is rooted in a life spent bridging divides. Describing himself as a “jack of all trades,” he recalled how, as a child, he moved easily between being a bookworm and taking on leadership roles in school and basketball. He traces this identity back to his upbringing, which included a middle-class childhood in Bangkok, formative years at an all-boys school in rural New Zealand, and an education and professional experiences in both the public and private sectors, with degrees earned from Harvard’s Kennedy School and MIT’s Sloan School of Management.

“That became who I am,” he stated, outlining his unique proposition to Thai voters. “Someone who understands international markets and rural areas. Someone who's middle class, who understands people who are well off and people who are struggling [...] Someone who understands both the private side and public side because he prepared himself that way.”

This dual expertise, he argued, is crucial for effective governance. He noted the fundamental difference in objectives between the two sectors. “The goal of public service is service. The goal of the private sector is profitability,” he said. “Just because you're a successful businessman doesn't make you a successful politician.”

He recounted how his political calling was ignited in the wake of the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami, when, as a management consultant, he worked on a tourism recovery strategy for Thailand. The intellectual challenge of balancing complex public needs, like national energy security, sparked a passion that private-sector work couldn't match.

From Campaign to Campus

Now a Senior Democracy Fellow at Harvard Kennedy School, Pita channels his experiences into mentoring a new generation of leaders. He teaches a class on running for public office in developing countries, hosts workshops, and holds “private office hours” for students committed to entering public service, helping them craft their first campaign strategies. It is a way of “turning reality into a textbook” for others.

He also remains a keen observer of global affairs, characterizing the current U.S.-China relationship as a “managed rivalry” or “competitive coexistence,” where deep distrust is checked by the understanding that a full-fledged decoupling would be “economic suicide” for both sides. He sees Southeast Asia as a central and crucial bloc of “swing states” that must leverage its position to determine its own future without being forced to choose sides in the competition between the world’s two greatest powers.

When asked for his message to young people, Pita’s advice is a blend of passion and pragmatism. “Always follow your heart, but take your brain with you,” he urged. For those with aspirations to tackle the world’s crises and pressing social challenges, he stressed the importance of pairing that fire with a concrete plan.

“It's up to you whether you find your North Star, improve your skills to have a plan to get there,” he concluded.

Pita clearly articulates what he wants: a more just and democratic Thailand. Even from outside the halls of political power, he is methodically working on his plan to get there. “I can wait for my time, and I will come back stronger, more vigorous, more capable, and more relevant.”

Azerbaijan | Brazil | Colombia | Egypt | Georgia | India | Kenya | Liberia | Mongolia | Nepal | Nicaragua | Nigeria | Peru | Russia | South Africa | Thailand | Turkey | Ukraine | Venezuela

AZERBAIJAN
 

Emin Huseynov is an Azerbaijani journalist and human rights defender, co-founder of the Institute for Reporters’ Freedom and Safety, and Director at the Institute for Human Rights. Over 20 years, he has worked to defend press freedom and document repression in Azerbaijan. In 2014, amid a government crackdown, Emin spent over 10 months hiding in the Swiss Embassy in Baku before reaching safety in Switzerland. He was then arbitrarily stripped of his citizenship. Since 2015, Emin has been actively working to raise awareness of gross human rights violations in the South Caucasus, Eastern Europe, and Central Asia on major international platforms, including the United Nations, the OSCE, and the Council of Europe.

BRAZIL
 

Pedro Telles is a Program Director at the Democracy Hub (D-Hub), dedicated to network-building, capacity-building, and strategic support for democracy defenders globally. He is also an adjunct professor at Fundação Getulio Vargas (FGV) and a Senior Atlantic Fellow for Social and Economic Equity at the London School of Economics (LSE), with extensive experience working in civil society, government, philanthropy, and elections. He is a co-founder of multiple organizations focused on advocacy and civic engagement, such as Ctrl+Z, Quid, and Advocacy Hub, and is a board member of Avaaz, Transparência Brasil, and Legisla Brasil. He has also worked at Greenpeace, Luminate, and the Legislative Assembly of São Paulo.

COLOMBIA
 

Andry Gonzalez is an economist with a master’s degree in Urban Planning and a Fulbright alumna. She served as an adviser to the Office of the Vice President of Colombia, Francia Márquez, advancing racial equity and territorial development. She currently works as a Program Manager at Open Society Foundations. She believes democracy must be meaningful in everyday life and that true development requires redistributing power, not just resources. She is passionate about supporting young people and women from marginalized communities to step into spaces of influence and shape the future of their territories.

EGYPT
 

Ahmed Attalla F. Ali is an Egyptian political and human rights activist and researcher. He is a co-founder of the grassroots pro-democracy April 6 Movement, contributing to its political direction and governance after the 2011 revolution. Since 2018, he has served as Executive Director of the Egyptian Front for Human Rights, leading documentation, research, legal assistance, and international advocacy. He has published studies and articles on civil-military relations, social movements, human rights, and EU–MENA relations. He holds a Law degree and a diploma in Political Science, and is currently pursuing an MA in EU Studies at UCLouvain, Belgium.

GEORGIA
 

Tamar Rukhadze is a media and civil society professional with nearly 30 years of experience promoting independent journalism and freedom of expression in Georgia. She began her career as a reporter in 1997, later leading major newsrooms before focusing on advancing media ethics, accountability, and resilience through civil society and international initiatives. Tamar previously served as Executive Director and Board Chair of the Georgian Charter of Journalistic Ethics and has held senior positions with IREX on USAID-funded programs. In 2025, she became Deputy Director of Batumelebi & Netgazeti following the arrest of founder and CEO Mzia Amaglobeli.

INDIA
 

Smita Mankad is a social entrepreneur and independent board director with experience across the corporate, government, and social sectors in India, combining grassroots community development with board-level governance. She serves on the boards of Fabindia and the Mahindra and Bajaj Groups, among others. At Fabindia, she established 18 community-owned companies, enabling more than 23,000 rural artisans to become shareholders for the first time. Her pro bono work supports initiatives focused on rural livelihoods, reducing malnutrition, creating safer cities for women, expanding educational opportunities for underserved children, and mentoring women. A champion of sustainability, she also maintains a zero-waste-to-landfill home and is a Vital Voices USA, Oxford Chevening, and Swedish Institute Fellow.
 

Dilip Kumar Pandey is a PhD scholar, a former MLA from Timarpur, and an ex-Chief Whip in the Delhi Assembly. He comes from a farming family in Ghazipur, Uttar Pradesh, and holds an MCA degree. Known for his anti-corruption work and association with UNCAC, he is also an author of 5 books, including the bestseller, Gulabi Khanjar. A recurve archer, he is a music enthusiast who has written, sung, and composed various campaign songs for the Aam Aadmi Party. He runs the Radhika Prahlad Foundation, which supports medical care for the underprivileged, and has served as a member of Delhi’s Sahitya Kala Parishad. He is also an expert in inclusive policy, governance, political communication, and co-existential philosophy.
 

Srikanta Kumar Routa serves as Head of Operations at The/Nudge Institute, where he orchestrates large-scale economic inclusion initiatives to uplift rural and tribal households from extreme poverty. With over 13 years of distinguished expertise in the development sector, he has successfully scaled the Graduation Approach to serve 200,000 families, facilitating $100 million investment through strategic government and private partnerships. An alumnus of TISS Hyderabad, Srikanta is recognized for his strategic acumen and operational excellence across India’s most remote terrains. He remains steadfast in his mission to foster universal equity and sustainable development for marginalized communities.

KENYA
 

Keith Andare is a Nairobi-based internet consultant working at the intersection of digital rights and climate action. He is the founder and executive director of the African Centre for Climate Research and Innovations (ACCRI), a pan-African civil society organization focused on environmental and digital transitions. Andare has extensive experience in digital rights and internet governance, having served as a member of the Multistakeholder Advisory Group (MAG) for the Kenyan, East African, and African Internet Governance Forums. He is passionate about cybersecurity and digital democracy.
 

Aimee Akinyi Ongeso is a Program Manager at Open Society Africa and an Obama Africa Leader. She is a democracy and justice practitioner with more than 16 years of experience advancing legal empowerment, participatory governance, and community-led justice across Africa. Her work focuses on designing and scaling grassroots-driven models that integrate law, organizing, and economic justice to strengthen democratic systems, particularly in conflict-affected contexts.

LIBERIA
 

Lamii Kpargoi is a Commissioner of the Office of the Ombudsman of the Republic of Liberia with a professional interest in human rights advocacy. Over the last 20 years, Mr. Kpargoi has worked as a civil society activist, with 16 of those years spent practicing law in Liberia. He is known for his dedication to upholding democratic values, promoting press freedom, and advocating for human rights. As a Chevening Scholar, he earned an LLM in Labour Law and Corporate Governance from the University of Bristol in the UK in 2019-2020. Mr. Kpargoi is also a Reagan-Fascell Democracy Fellow and a US State Department Community Solutions Fellow.

MONGOLIA
 

Nominchimeg Odsuren is a Mongolian politician and a current Member of Parliament, with a professional background in law and a strong focus on advancing the rule of law. Trained at the University of Tokyo and Columbia Law School, she specializes in comparative, private, and economic law. Her work promotes transparency, accountability, and effective governance. With a cross-cultural perspective, she applies global best practices to strengthen legal frameworks and support sustainable policy reform in emerging democracies.

NEPAL
 

Pratik Kunwar is a political innovator and the Founder of Shaasan, a nonprofit civic initiative solving problems at the intersection of governance, climate, and deep learning. His work has been featured by Time, Forbes, the UN, and the WEF, among others. He has advocated for his work at the European Parliament, World Forum for Democracy, Davos, and One Young World, among others. Pratik is an Asia Society Next Generation Leader (2024) and has served on the European Union's International Youth Sounding Board and on the Advisory Council of the WEF's Global Shapers Community. Pratik holds a Master's in Data, Economics, and Design of Policy from MIT.

NICARAGUA
 

Berta Valle is a Nicaraguan journalist and human rights advocate with extensive experience in media and international advocacy. Forced into exile in 2018, she became a leading voice for political prisoners following the arbitrary detention of her husband, Félix Maradiaga, in 2021. She is a co-founder of the World Liberty Congress Political Prisoner Support Team and the End Arbitrary Detention initiative at the University of Virginia, and serves as President of Fundación Libertad, advancing human rights and democratic restoration in Nicaragua. Her work also explores the use of decentralized technologies to strengthen financial freedom in repressive contexts.

NIGERIA
 

Ayodele Ganiu is a cultural policy advocate with over 16 years of leadership advancing democratic reforms in Nigeria’s culture sector. As the Founder of Unchained Vibes Africa (UVA), he combats a shrinking civic space through the "Freedom Vibes" initiative, which combines transformative art with strategic litigation. Known for translating complex governance issues into cultural narratives that defy censorship, his work has yielded landmark legal victories and policy reforms, earning UVA the 2026 Bertha Artivism Award. He holds a B.Sc. in Finance from the University of Lagos and advanced training in cultural policy from the UNESCO Chair’s Arts Rights Justice Academy at the University of Hildesheim.

PERU
 

Álvaro Henzler is a serial social entrepreneur with 20+ years of experience. He has founded ventures in education, social impact, civic engagement, and leadership development. President of Asociación Civil Transparencia, Peru’s leading democracy NGO, co-founder and Executive President of Mosaico, advancing collective impact across Latin America, and co-founder of EnseñaPerú (member of Teach For All network). He holds an MPA from Harvard Kennedy School and a BA in Economics from Universidad del Pacífico, was a Research Fellow at Harvard’s Ash Center, and an advisor during the Peru–U.S. FTA. He was named a WEF Global Shaper and Georgetown Impact Award recipient.

RUSSIA
 

Leonid Drabkin is a senior executive with extensive experience leading OVD-Info, one of Russia’s largest and most respected human rights organizations, where he focused on documenting political prosecutions and providing legal support. He brings eight years of NGO leadership experience, complemented by work in media development and the pharmaceutical sector across Russia and in international settings. Drabkin holds an MSc in Finance from the United Kingdom and is recognized for a results-driven, change-oriented approach to advancing human rights. He was named to Forbes 30 Under 30 and is currently working in exile following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

SOUTH AFRICA
 

Tania Coenraad is a governance, democracy, and development practitioner based in Cape Town. Most recently she served as the Chief of Staff and Head of Parliamentary Operations, providing strategic leadership on legislative affairs, parliamentary oversight, and stakeholder engagement in South Africa. With over 17 years of experience across Parliament, local government, and community development, she has advanced socio-economic inclusion and strengthened institutional accountability. Her work is driven by a commitment to ethical leadership, constitutional democracy, and development outcomes.

THAILAND
 

Bencha Saengchantra is a former Member of the House of Representatives and currently serves on the Education and Training Committee. Over eight years in parliament, she supported and advanced legislation promoting democratic reform, human rights, gender equality, and social justice. Her work has focused on strengthening rule of law, expanding civic participation, and improving quality of life. As a participant in the Fisher Family Summer Fellows Program, she seeks to deepen her understanding of democratic governance and collaborate with global leaders to advance legal reform, equality, and democratic resilience in Thailand, across Asia, and around the world.
 

Dr. Janjira Sombatpoonsiri is an activist scholar whose work examines how authoritarian power adapts in the digital age and how civic actors respond. She is a Research Fellow at the German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) in Hamburg and a full-time Assistant Professor at Chulalongkorn University’s Institute of Asian Studies in Bangkok. Her research spans protest movements, democratic resilience, and digital repression. Her forthcoming book is A Thousand Cuts: Digital Repression and Democracy in Thailand (2027, University of Wisconsin Press). She hopes to develop a regional policy hub that fosters cross-learning and collaboration across Southeast Asia.

TURKEY
 

Zeynep Aksoy is a senior strategist based in Istanbul. At House of Impact, she works at the intersection of data, technology, and social research, translating behavioral insight into high-impact strategies for institutions and public actors. Her work spans large-scale national and local public initiatives. She holds a BA in Middle Eastern History and Politics and an MA in Political Theory from Sciences Po Paris. With a background in editorial and on-screen media, she continues to work across long-form and digital formats. She serves on the boards of SES Equality and Solidarity Association.

UKRAINE*
 

Kateryna Chernohorenko is the architect of digital transformation and a former Deputy Minister of Defense of Ukraine (2023–2025). During her tenure, she launched Reserve+ and Army+ mobile apps, digitizing millions of military records and dozens of services. She scaled DELTA, the NATO-certified combat system, and led the Drone and IT Coalition, mobilizing $3.3B+ in aid. Kateryna also established Ukraine's Cyber Incident Response Center and founded the Space Policy Directorate in the MoD of Ukraine. She leads the digital transformation program at the High Qualification Commission of Judges and teaches “E-Governance, Document Management, and Digital Democracy” at Kyiv-Mohyla Academy.
 

Illia Filipov* is a Ukrainian edtech entrepreneur and co-founder & CEO of EdEra. With a physics background from Taras Shevchenko National University, he chose to build educational infrastructure in Ukraine rather than pursue opportunities abroad. Since 2014, he has led the development of 300+ educational products, reaching over 2 million users on EdEra’s platform and millions more through solutions for government and business. He has worked with national institutions and international partners on education reforms, media literacy, and civic engagement, and served as an advisor to government bodies and the OSCE. His work focuses on expanding access to education to strengthen democratic systems.
 

Svitlana Kovalchuk* is Executive Director of Yalta European Strategy (YES), Ukraine’s leading platform advancing European integration and global dialogue on democracy, security, and development. For nearly a decade, she has led YES and the Victor Pinchuk Foundation's international initiatives, strengthening Ukraine’s global presence through the YES Annual Meeting in Kyiv and platforms at the World Economic Forum and the Munich Security Conference. She previously worked at the German Corporation for International Cooperation. Svitlana holds a PhD in Political Science and is an alumna of Harvard Kennedy School.
 

Valentyna Riznyk* is a Ukrainian public affairs professional and legal scholar with experience in local governance and national policymaking. She serves as Secretary of the Poltava Regional Organization of the political party “Servant of the People” and is a member of the Youth Council under the Ministry of Economy of Ukraine. Valentyna has worked as an assistant to Members of Parliament and as an advisor to political leadership, contributing to legislative processes and community engagement. She holds a PhD in Law and a Master’s degree in Political Science, with a focus on strengthening democratic institutions and public trust in governance systems.
 

*These fellows are jointly participating in CDDRL’s Strengthening Ukrainian Democracy and Development Program.

VENEZUELA
 

Pedro A. Urruchurtu Noselli is a political scientist and activist who serves as Senior Advisor on Foreign Affairs and Director of International Relations for María Corina Machado, as well as International Coordinator for Vente Venezuela. As a key strategist, he has helped mobilize international support for democracy in Venezuela, focusing on building global networks to counter authoritarianism. His work is defined by a commitment to diplomacy and political education, having trained more than 45,000 individuals. He is an alumnus of Georgetown University’s Global Competitiveness Leadership Program and was recently honored with the 2026 Impact Award for his courage. Pedro has faced political persecution for his work, including spending more than 400 days as a hostage in the Argentine Embassy in Caracas before his escape.

In May 2023, Thai pro-democracy reformer and lawmaker Pita Limjaroenrat led Thailand’s Move Forward Party to a stunning victory in the general election on a platform of progressive change. The party won a clear mandate from over 14 million voters, but conservative powers and military-appointed senators blocked Pita’s path to the prime ministership. Fifteen months later, Thailand’s Constitutional Court dissolved the Move Forward Party – the same fate its predecessor, the Future Forward Party, met in 2020. The court also barred Pita from politics for a decade.

It is a story he recounts in his political memoir, The Almost Prime Minister, and one he discussed at a February 2025 fireside chat hosted by APARC’s Southeast Asia Program. In his current role as a Senior Democracy Fellow back at his alma mater, the Harvard Kennedy School, Pita continues to champion transparent and equitable governance, coaches a new generation of political leaders, and strategizes a democratic path forward for Thailand. 

On May 29, 2026, Pita returned to Stanford for a follow-up discussion with APARC Director Kiyoteru Tsutsui, who also serves as co-director of the Southeast Asia Program. Pita examined political developments in Thailand since the contentious 2023 election, the tensions between Thailand and Cambodia, the crisis in Myanmar, ASEAN’s role in the region, and how Thailand and other middle powers should hedge their bets amid the U.S.-China competition and a fragmenting world order. 

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Anatomy of a Defeat

Pita’s opening remarks focused on the outcome of Thailand’s recent general election, in which the People’s Party – the successor to the dissolved Move Forward Party – suffered a decisive defeat. Entering the February 8, 2026, election, the People’s Party had hoped to convert widespread calls for democratic reform into power. Instead, the conservative Bhumjaithai Party secured a clear victory and then joined forces with the third-place populist Pheu Thai Party to form a coalition government.

Pita, who had campaigned for the People’s Party ahead of the election – a political activity he remains eligible to undertake despite being barred from seeking office – offered a candid assessment of the party’s loss.

Lower voter turnout was a key determinant of the February 8 election results, he argued: at 65 percent, it was sharply down from 76 percent in the 2023 general election that he won. Many voters came to believe that the costs of participating in the political process outweighed the potential benefits, Pita said.

That is the calculus of autocrats when they manipulate elections, he argued. Recognizing that electoral participation is the linchpin of a representative democracy's legitimacy and power, and that voter turnout of upward of 70 percent would all but guarantee a People Party victory, "they want to make sure that the cost of going to an election is higher than the benefit."

Pita pointed to his experience as evidence. Despite winning the 2023 election, Thai supporters now see him, three years later, living in Boston rather than governing from Bangkok. The message to voters, he said, is clear: If you keep voting and nothing changes, then why bother?

Pita calls this "voter fatigue by design" – a tactic used by autocrats to make politics seem “dramatized, boring, or irrelevant.”

He labels this Thai establishment's effort to convince voters that political participation is futile as “constituency.” It is one element in a “five C’s framework” that explains the People’s Party’s recent election defeat, he says.

A second factor, which he names “competitive collusion,” was evident in the decision by conservative candidates to coordinate their efforts – whether by merging campaigns or stepping aside – to avoid splitting the vote and present a unified front against the reformist People’s Party.

Third, conflict – by which Pita refers to the recent flare-up of tensions between Thailand and Cambodia – rallied nationalistic sentiment, lending greater legitimacy to the military and thus benefiting the conservative parties associated with it.

The fourth element, according to Pita, is Thailand’s Constitution, under which the Election Commission – the country’s sole election management body – is effectively appointed by the King on the recommendation of the Senate. “So I felt the [February 2026] election was not fair,” Pita said. “There was no linkage to the people, and there were no checks and balances.”

Finally, Pita pointed to the People Party's own missteps, which he categorizes as “candidacy.” He described a “Brahmin left versus merchant right” dynamic, arguing that the party became overly focused on technocratic, urban-centered policies and lost touch with the rural grassroots base that had been crucial to the Move Forward Party’s 2023 electoral success.

Regional Flashpoints: Cambodia and Myanmar

On the Thailand-Cambodia border dispute, Pita called for a renewed commitment to diplomacy, arguing that lasting peace can only be achieved through dialogue. He pointed to the Joint Boundary Commission, the bilateral body the two countries established in 1997 to oversee the demarcation of their border, as the most viable mechanism for resolving the dispute.

“If we return to the table and try to negotiate that out, I think that could be a path toward durable peace between Thailand and Cambodia.”

Turning to Myanmar, Pita stressed the need for Thailand and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to take a more active role in addressing the civil war that has devastated the country since the military coup of February 2021. The conflict’s spillover effects, he noted, extend well beyond Myanmar’s borders, fueling cyber scam operations, human trafficking, and illicit financial activity that directly affect Thailand.

“If the ASEAN core, especially Thailand, with its geographic proximity, doesn't do anything, it's going to keep going in a dangerous drift like that.” 

Pita noted, however, that the crisis in Myanmar has grown more complex in recent years. Beyond the struggle among ethnic armed groups and between the military and pro-democracy forces, it now encompasses resource politics as part of a broader competition over rare earths and China’s expanding strategic interests linked to trade corridors and energy infrastructure.

As China’s involvement in the region deepens through its trade routes and gas pipeline interests, the conflict in Myanmar has become much harder to resolve, he said.

As a way forward, Pita proposed a minilateral coalition comprising key ASEAN states, along with India, China, and possibly Japan and South Korea. The goal, he said, would be to work with Myanmar’s opposition forces to “turn resistance into governance” and lay the groundwork for a viable political transition toward a post-conflict Myanmar.

The Middle Power Moment and U.S.-China Rivalry

Zooming out to the global stage, Pita spoke of his interest in the prospects of a "middle power moment" taking shape, citing Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney’s recent diplomatic tour of the Indo-Pacific region to urge middle power nations, including India, Australia, and Japan, to unite in response to the U.S.-China great power rivalry and the transformation of U.S. foreign policy under the Trump administration.

“Thailand is still the second-largest country in ASEAN,” Pita said. “So we have agency and autonomy. Whether we use it or not, that is something that remains to be seen.”

“You realize that if you rely on the Americans for security and the Chinese for the economy, you are going to be forced to choose sides. And once you choose sides, that's the end of everything that you have.” He argued that, if nations are to avoid being forced to choose sides, they must redefine neutrality as an active capability rather than a passive position.

Here, too, he suggested, flexible, issue-based minilaterals could be beneficial. “So I think we'll see a rise of multilaterals on various issues, whether it's AI governance, semiconductors, maritime management, cybersecurity, or critical minerals.”

From Player to Coach

Forced to the sidelines of Thai politics, Pita has embraced a new role. "My calling now is to groom next-gen leaders. I used to be a player, and I did a good job. And then they stopped me. They forced me to sit down. So I decided to become a coach instead.” At Harvard Kennedy School, he now co-teaches a class on running for public office in developing countries, turning his recent, raw experiences into a textbook for the next generation.

Despite the setbacks, Pita’s message remains one of resilience and determination. When asked if he could still win, he was unequivocal. "I think I can," he stated. “I think about it every single night, to return to the arena and become a player. But I can wait. I could strategize, I could accumulate small victories until I'm strong, vigorous, and capable. And when I return, I will change Thailand for good.”.

In His Own Words: Pita's Column in Matichon Weekly

Pita contributes a regular column to the Thai-language news magazine Matichon Weekly (มติชนสุดสัปดาห์), providing analysis on topics ranging from global economic shifts and international politics to urban development and his experiences engaging with leaders in politics, technology, business, and social activism. In his column of June 12, 2026, he reflects on his May 29 visit to Stanford and APARC.

Below is an English version of the column, generated by Google Translate. It has been mildly edited for accuracy and style.

Palo Alto Annual Event

I'm back at Stanford University and Palo Alto again, after visiting last year. I was so impressed that I've decided I'd like to visit every year if I can, not just because of the good weather and pleasant atmosphere, but because this place is a hub of knowledge, conversation, and unique perspectives on the world that are hard to find elsewhere.

I spent three days as a guest of APARC, or the Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center, Stanford University's Asia-Pacific research center, which is part of the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies (FSI), one of the world's most influential institutions in international relations and public policy, as well as the Hoover Institution, a public policy institute that brings together thinkers, historians, economists, and former policymakers from around the globe.

These three institutions set Stanford apart from typical universities, creating a space where the academic and policy worlds converge tangibly. The people you pass each day might be Larry Diamond, who has studied democratic transitions and declines for decades; Francis Fukuyama, author of The End of History and the Last Man; Gi-Wook Shin, an expert on East Asia; or Kiyoteru Tsutsui, who studies human rights issues. On the other side of the university is a collection of former top U.S. policymakers, from Condoleezza Rice to Michael McFaul, making conversations here both academic and practical. Importantly, the questions I'm asked at Stanford are always more difficult than anywhere else.

Many conversations this year have revolved around the same question: Is the world entering an era where geopolitics and technology are increasingly intertwined? While in the past, technology companies competed to create superior products, today they face geopolitical questions similar to those governments do. From restrictions on chip exports and access to rare earth minerals to energy security and the restructuring of international supply chains, the names Nvidia, TSMC, and ASML are frequently mentioned alongside those of major powers, as the ability to design, manufacture, and control advanced technology has become an integral part of state power.

In the world of AI, the question has changed significantly this year. At Stanford and Silicon Valley, I hear less talk about frontier models than I expected, but more and more talk about inference, compute, and energy. The excitement isn't about how well the next model will perform, but about who can get these models out of the lab and into real-world economic applications first.

On the other hand, competition is shifting from the digital world to the physical world. Waymo's self-driving cars are becoming commonplace on San Francisco streets, while Amazon's Zoox is beginning to enter the fray as a major player. The development of humanoid robots is also being discussed more seriously than ever before. Many believe that the next decade will be the time when AI begins to develop its own "arms and legs," no longer confined to computer screens.

As technology has advanced to this point, the conversation has once again turned to geopolitics. This includes issues such as controls on the export of advanced chips, competition to attract leading researchers, access to energy for hyperscale data centers, and concerns about the concentration of computing power in the hands of a few companies and countries. If in the 20th century, oil was the strategic resource of superpowers, many are beginning to see that in the 21st century, computing may be heading towards a similar status. The world is therefore not just witnessing a technological competition, but a new restructuring of power through technology.

Another thing I always try to do whenever I come to Stanford and Silicon Valley is to meet Thai students, researchers, entrepreneurs, and Thais working in the technology industry. Because, if you look closely, Thais are already a part of the global competitiveness we talk about.

Over the past two years, since being disqualified from politics, I have dedicated part of my time to traveling, meeting, and systematically building a database of Thai talent abroad. This includes scientists, engineers, economists, artificial intelligence researchers, and executives in global technology companies. This trip was no exception. I had the opportunity to meet Thais working at Google, Meta, Apple, Salesforce, Nvidia, OpenAI, and many other leading technology companies. Some work in semiconductors, some develop AI models, and some manage products with hundreds of millions of users worldwide. Many may not be well-known in Thailand, but they are part of the workforce driving the world's future economy today.

Every time I speak with this group of Thais, I leave feeling hopeful. Hopeful to see that Thais can stand at the forefront of industries that are shaping the future of the world, on par with anyone else. And hopeful that their knowledge, experience, and networks can connect and create even more value for Thailand in the future. I can only hope that one day I will have the opportunity to work with them for the future of our nation.