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FSI's Center for Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law (CDDRL) is pleased to announce the launch of a new research project entitled, "Promoting Popular Sovereignty in Statebuilding," to be conducted during the 2010-11 academic year.  Led by Ben Rowswell, a Canadian diplomat currently on leave as a Visiting Scholar at CDDRL, the project will draw on lessons from Afghanistan, Iraq and other countries recovering from conflict. Funding has been generously provided by the Canadian Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade through the Global Peace and Security Fund.

Through a practitioner's lens, this project will develop a new approach to statebuilding that focuses on the local population and the need to foster accountability from those who exercise power over it-both state institutions and their sources of international support. It will examine constraints to effective statebuilding, particularly the emphasis placed on national sovereignty and the rush to transition. The final output of this research will be a volume for publication that will inform policy and programming approaches that help statebuilding efforts generate lasting stability.

A highlight of this project will be a two-day symposium held at CDDRL on February 25 and 26, 2011.  This event will bring Afghan officials, diplomats, the military, academia and non-governmental organizations to Stanford University to exchange experiences, review lessons and test conclusions suggested by the research. 

"It would be hard to find a more experienced, principled, and yet pragmatic practitioner than Ben Rowswell to lead this effort," said CDDRL Director Larry Diamond.  "Ever since I met him in Iraq in 2004, I have been deeply impressed with Ben's intellect, humanity, and operational ability."

Rowswell's experience in statebuilding spans three conflicts, from Somalia (1993) to Iraq (2003-05) and most recently Afghanistan (2008-10).  From 2009 to 2010, Rowswell served as Representative of Canada in Kandahar, at the heart of the Afghan conflict. In this position he directed the Kandahar Provincial Reconstruction Team, leading more than 100 American and Canadian diplomats, aid workers, civilian police and other experts. Prior to that, he served as Deputy Head of Mission of Canada's embassy in Kabul.

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In 1998, in the twilight of the 20th century, the resignation of Indonesia's autocratic president Suharto ushered in a new political era. Corresponding changes occurred in Indonesia's economic, social, and cultural landscape. That transformation challenged and transformed the thinking of many Indonesians. One of them was Dr. Dino Patti Djalal, who recently became his country's ambassador to the United States. "I entered the twenty-first century with a new mindset," said Djalal to an overflow audience at the Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center (Shorenstein APARC) on November 18, 2010.

As the son of a renowned Indonesian diplomat, Djalal spent much of his youth and early adulthood abroad. He attended high school in the United States and college in Canada, and went on to earn his doctorate from the London School of Economics and Political Science. Djalal's diverse professional talents and experience encompass writing, politics, and film production. Passionate about inspiring and empowering young Indonesians, Djalal founded Modernisator, a youth leadership movement in Indonesia. Before becoming ambassador to the United States in September 2010, he served on the staff of Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono as a spokesperson and special adviser on foreign affairs.

Djalal's speech at Shorenstein APARC featured his top eight personal beliefs about the 21st century. His remarks were a mixture of optimism and wonder tempered by caution. This new century in Djalal's eyes promises great progress and opportunity, in contrast to the 20th century, which he called "probably the bloodiest century ever in human history." Looking forward, he spoke of an "explosion of creativity," the growth of emerging and developing economies, and major advances in technology. The power to eradicate poverty and to achieve world harmony is within our grasp, he argued, provided countries are willing to be open to new ideas and to embrace progress and change.

The last century, Djalal noted, saw the fall and fragmentation of empires and the birth of many new states. Looking ahead, he did not foresee great changes in the world's geopolitical map. He hoped that world leaders would not promote a further proliferation of new countries, which would increase rivalry and instability. Instead the goal should be unification, as in the case of the Korean Peninsula. He spoke optimistically of the trend whereby existing countries such as Indonesia manage to "proliferise," or acquire new and greater global relevance, and advocated a "geopolitics of cooperation" among larger and smaller countries, as in the Group of 20.

Djalal stressed the need for rapid innovation and ongoing social, economic, and educational change. A nation that wants to succeed in the 21st century must be open and adaptable. Analysts once thought that major changes could only unfold over several generations, but now, Djalal argued, dramatic change can occur in the span of a single generation. In addition to developing open and progressive political thinking, said Djalal, good governance is essential if the world is to enjoy stability and prosperity in this century. Having a democratic government does not automatically ensure good governance, he argued. Political leaders must strive to build strong, accountable institutions that emphasize positive outcomes in key sectors such as health, education, and entrepreneurship.

Addressing the younger generation, Djalal said, "skill is your best currency" in the present century. Individuals, empowered by education and technology, are now free to make their way in the world based on their own talents. He recalled that in an earlier era in Indonesia, as in many other parts of the world, access to information was limited by social status, wealth, and gender. More than any other factor, according to Djalal, technology is the "most important driver of change." It is the small, innovative technologies such as cell phones and online banking that will most change the world, provided we learn "how to adopt it without destroying the human soul."

Globalization is here to stay, Djalal argued, so it is crucial to "embrace it intelligently." Indonesia is a large country. But rather than rely on superior physical size, Indonesia and other large countries must climb the global ranks on less tangible dimensions such as education, including the skill sets needed to develop their economies. While being open to engaging with the rest of the world, he added, countries must also cultivate a strong sense of national identity.

Djalal closed on a high and provocative note, suggesting that the free, innovative, and global nature of the current century provides the means for young people today to become "potentially the best generation of all previous generations." How then should we proceed, as individuals and as countries, to realize that bright future? Djalal left that question hanging in the air for his audience to consider and to answer.

 

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Dr. Dino Patti Djalal, Republic of Indonesia Ambassador to the United States, with Donald K. Emmerson, director of the Southeast Asia Forum, at the Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center on November 18, 2010. | Debbie Warren
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In the wake of the 2008 financial crisis and with the advent of a new Japanese government, the long-simmering concept of an East Asian Community (EAC) has come to a boil. Trilateral discussions among China, Japan, and South Korea--the "Plus Three"--have accelerated, including early steps toward formation of a trilateral free trade area. The Obama administration has responded with new interest in regionalism, including discussion of new trans-Pacific trade agreements and a bid to join the budding East Asia Summit process. In November 2010, the trans-Pacific APEC will convene in Japan, and the next annual meeting, in 2011, will take place in Hawaii.

This period could shape the future of regionalism in East Asia, but many questions have yet to be answered. Will former Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama's initiative to build a new regional order on the core of Japan-China-ROK ties bear fruit? How does this concept of an EAC compare to other visions of regional integration, from APEC to the ASEAN-plus process? Will the ASEAN member nations cede leadership of the drive for tighter integration to Northeast Asia? Will the gravitational power of China's booming economy overwhelm concerns about its political system, military nontransparency, and possible ambition for regional hegemony? What role will the United States seek to play in Asian regionalism, and what will Asia's response be?

On September 9 and 10, 2010, the Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center (Shorenstein APARC) at Stanford University convened the second Stanford Kyoto Trans-Asian Dialogue. This distinguished gathering discussed the latest research into the course of regionalism across several dimensions: regional vs. trans-Pacific trade and production networks; traditional and nontraditional security; the intersection of historical memories and national cultures in forging, or thwarting, a new regional identity; and possible futures for the regional order and how it might interact with other transnational institutions.

The goal of the Dialogue was to facilitate discussion, on an off-the-record basis, among scholars, policymakers, media, and other experts from across Asia and the United States, and to establish trans-Asian networks that focus on issues of common concern.

The first Stanford Kyoto Trans-Asian Dialogue was held September 10-11, 2009, in Kyoto, on the theme of "Energy, Environment, and Economic Growth in Asia."

Kyoto International Community House Event Hall
2-1 Torii-cho, Awataguchi,
Sakyo-ku Kyoto, 606-8536
JAPAN

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The Pilipino American Student Union (PASU) and Stanford Asian American Activism Committee (SAAAC) are holding an event on January 13th, Thursday, at Okada Lounge from 7-8:30PM to raise awareness about human rights issues affecting migrant workers in Hong Kong. Aurora David, a Program on Human Rights / Center on Ethics in Society 2010 Human Rights Fellow, will report back on research she conducted on the conditions of migrant domestic workers, specifically sexual violence committed against these workers and policies that discourage them from speaking out. The presentation will be followed by a discussion led by SAAAC.  

Donations will be accepted for Bethune House, a shelter in Hong Kong that houses migrant workers who are victims of employer maltreatment, and physical and verbal abuses.

Okada Lounge

Aurora David Program on Human Rights / Center on Ethics in Society 2010 Human Rights Fellow Speaker
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China has experienced rapid political and economic growth, especially in the past decade, and increasing attention is paid to the question of China’s "rise," a topic frequently in the media during President Barack Obama's November 2010 visit to Asia. Thomas Fingar, Oksenberg/Rohlen Distinguished Fellow at the Freeman Spogli Institute of International Studies, examined China's growing global significance in a talk at Claremont McKenna College on October 25, 2010. He addressed implications for the United States and spoke to commonly expressed perceptions and concerns about China's growth. Focusing on facts, Fingar looked retrospectively at events that have occurred during China's period of rapid growth and used them as a basis for an examination of the future.
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Thomas Fingar, Oksenberg/Rohlen Distinguished Fellow at the Freeman Spogli Institute of International Studies
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Understanding the emotional connection that people have to products inspires the innovative research and work of current Corporate Affiliates Program Fellow Yuichi Moronaga.

Moronaga engaged in policy-related work for Japan's Ministry of Economy, Trade, and Industry (METI) for nearly a decade, and he most recently served as a deputy manager for the Prime Minister's Cabinet Secretariat. As a student, Moronaga, who holds a bachelor's degree in mechanical engineering and a master's degree in biomedical engineering from Keio University in Yokohama, studied universal design--the design of making products, such as drinking fountains, and spaces, such as public parks, accessible to all. Moronaga took universal design one-step further by considering the emotional aspect of design, factoring positive feeling into accessibility.

In his work for METI, Moronaga applied his creativity and knowledge of universal design to numerous projects, including a child-focused policy agenda. Moronaga and his colleagues considered the psychology and physique of children when developing the agenda, noting the curiosity of children for exploring places considered dangerous by adults--those that are high, dark, and enclosed--and the broad range of variations in children's physiques. Mean data is not appropriate for child-focused design, says Moronaga, and so he and his team measured approximately 50 different body parts in order to provide a broad data set for designers to work from. After five years, child-focused design is catching on in Japan. A Kids Design award is now in place and the Kids Design Association, a non-profit organization, monitors products, businesses, and public spaces for child safety. Nearly 80 businesses in Japan are now dedicated to child-focused design. At the recent APEC Forum held in Japan, METI sponsored a booth displaying child-friendly products. Moronaga hopes that the trend will spread to other countries.

At the Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center (Shorenstein APARC), Moronaga is now engaging in research about essential value, which he describes as the "background story" behind companies and their products. Marketing based on essential value focuses on such things as a tradition of excellence, quality materials, and careful craftsmanship behind a company or product, which causes consumers to feel good about their purchase. The online shoe retailer Zappos, which emphasizes its customer service, is an example of a company that markets essential value. Moronaga is currently studying how social media enhances essential value, such as the way that positive consumer recommendations raise the value of a product. Already widespread in the United States-especially California, Moronaga says consumer reviews are catching on more in Japan.

Moronaga values the opportunity to speak with people at Stanford University and in local companies about his research and work experience, and about topics ranging from the environment to politics. Amidst the prevalence of hybrid cars and exciting green technology research in California, he was surprised to find that energy-saving technologies, such as solar panels, are not as widespread as in Japan. On the other hand, he appreciates discussions and hearing American perspectives on political topics, such as security issues, that he feels are less commonly discussed in Japan.

Moronaga views the connections with people that he and his family are making while at Shorenstein APARC this year as long term and he hopes that his son, who is four years old, will have a happy adjustment to living in the United States and remember the experience for the rest of his life.

 

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Yuichi Moronaga, 2010-2011 Corporate Affiliates Program fellow
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What can possibly explain the transformation that sometimes happens from non-violent civilian to combatant to criminal? Pulitzer Prize winning author and CISAC affiliate Richard Rhodes tackled this bedeviling question head-on in a recent lecture for Stanford's Ethics & War series, co-sponsored by the Center for International Security and Cooperation. Drawing heavily upon the work of Lonnie H. Athens, a Seton Hall University criminology professor, about whom Rhodes wrote a 1999 book entitled Why They Kill: The Discoveries of a Maverick Criminologist, Rhodes argued that all violent criminals go through a process that Athens called "violentization." The first stage, "brutalization," consists of witnessing abusive or violent behavior, often at a young age, and receiving encouragement to act in a similar way to resolve disputes. In the second stage, "belligerency," the individual takes stock of what has happened, examines his or her situation, and decides to begin to move to the third stage: using serious violence, if provoked, as a means of protection.

In Rhodes' view, this process is essentially identical to the training a military recruit undergoes. Both, he says, go through a period of re-socialization during which even lethal violence become acceptable, expected, and rewarded. Military recruits are "deliberately and systematically rebuked, scorned and punished for civilian behavior  and coached and rewarded for military behavior including the controlled use of violence," he observes. "Violent domination, personal horrification and violent coaching are fundamental to basic military training." There is, however, a fundamental difference. The violent criminal moves on to a fourth stage, "virulence," in which the individual becomes willing to commit serious violence without provocation and embraces the sense of confidence and power created by the successful completion of these acts. The soldier, by contrast, is constrained within the third stage of violentization by the rule of law, by ethics, by codes of honor, and "implicitly," says Rhodes, "support from military leaders up the chain of command," who "are expected to limit their demands of violent action to appropriately defensive campaigns."

Within these constraints, the limitations of violence are clear. Self-defense is justifiable, and by extension so is the killing of an enemy combatant. Even the strategic bombing during World War II (and presumably more recently) can be justified with such arguments, Rhodes argues, "although that logic grew increasingly thin as the bombing expanded from military targets to military industrial targets and finally to the homes and neighborhoods of enemy civilians."

What, then, to make of My Lai, in which American soldiers killed babies and children, the Einsatzgruppen, who shot hundreds of thousands of innocent Jews with horrific efficiency, or the heinous war crimes committed in conflicts around the world? In these cases, the perpetrators have found themselves moving into virulence. The constraints that circumscribed their violent actions have broken down. Authorities in the chain of command either overlooked or ignored the need to enforce the limitations required to prevent criminal violence. In the eyes of the perpetrators, and in some cases those making the direct orders, the enemy became an omnipotent and ubiquitous presence, and the power that came with committing lethal violence was overwhelming. The line between self-defense and murder became so attenuated that it was essentially meaningless. Virtually the only possible outcome: unrestrained lethal violence.

Rhodes argues that the need to understand this dynamic has become increasingly urgent. The nuclear deterrent has largely foreclosed the prospect of conventional war, and "modern combat has strained the traditional limitations of violence on war to the breaking point and beyond." Modern weapons make it possible to do more lethal violence than the old days of single-shot rifles and hand grenades, he says, and the line between combatants and civilians can become difficult to define.

The quandary now is how to ensure that the process of violentization among members of the military does not extend to the fourth category. Even Heinrich Himmler, commander of the Einsatzgruppen, understood this on some level. He was horrified, Rhodes says, that members of his elite fighting squad had become such enthusiastic killers that they would take it upon themselves to find and shoot Jews. Others, in other wartime situations, unable to deal with the consequences of their actions as they meandered toward that fourth stage, killed themselves, suffered serious psychological problems, or committed acts of violence back at home. Now we are seeing similar consequences among the men and women who are forced to draw distinctions every day between civilian and enemy combatants. Indeed, he says, only the ethical and legal limitations put on soldiers, and enforced by their superiors in the chain of command, can protect them from becoming malevolently violent. Failing to maintain these restrictions has dire consequences. As Rhodes and many others before him have said, "as we sow, so shall we reap."

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October 15, 2010 was the 100th anniversary of the birthday of Edwin O. Reischauer, former U.S. Ambassador to Japan and a key leader in establishing the field of East Asian studies. George R. Packard, president of the United States-Japan Foundation, worked with Reischauer in the 1960s and recently published a biography about him entitled Edwin O. Reischauer and the American Discovery of Japan. Packard spoke at the Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center on October 28 to share his perspective on Reischauer's life and career.

Reischauer was born to missionary parents in Japan, where he spent the first part of his life. According to Packard, Reischauer had a lifelong appreciation for Japan that deepened with time, but he also recognized that the more time he spent living in and studying Japan, the more that there was for him still to learn. Reischauer attended Oberlin College as an undergraduate and Harvard University as a doctoral student. During World War II, he worked for the U.S. State Department translating intercepted messages.

The Pearl Harbor-era view of Japan in the United States was that of a "treacherous" country-one that still surfaces from time to time, according to Packard. Reischauer's life's work was to improve American education and understanding about Japan. While teaching at Harvard University, Reischauer, along with China studies pioneer John King Fairbank, helped to build the field of East Asian studies in the United States. Packard credits their efforts for changing the British imperial-era designation of the "Far East" to "East Asia." In addition to his works such as Japan, Past and Present and A History of East Asian Civilization, Reischauer was committed to writing about Japan in popular publications like Reader's Digest.

Reischauer served as U.S. Ambassador to Japan from 1961-1966. While there, he helped to diminish the "Occupation mentality" of Americans in Japan and planted the seeds for the eventual return of Okinawa, said Packard. During his time as ambassador, Reischauer suffered many professional and personal setbacks, including the death of President Kennedy, a supporter of his efforts; the escalation of the Vietnam War, for which he drew criticism although he was not a proponent of it; and being stabbed by a deranged student. According to Packard, after the stabbing incident Reischauer was deeply concerned about generating negative sentiment toward Japan, and thus intentionally kept quiet about it to the media. After returning to Harvard University in the late 1960s, Reischauer continued to draw criticism for the Vietnam War and in later decades was labeled as a "Japan apologist."

Despite his critics, the wisdom of Reischauer's work in academia and government rings true today, as evidenced by Japan's place as a global economic power and the successful and significant role that the U.S.-Japan relationship plays in the peace and economic stability of East Asia. 

 

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George R. Packard, president of the United States-Japan Foundation, speaking at Shorenstein APARC on October 15, 2010. | Debbie Warren
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