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Governments, markets, and analysts in the United States and around the world frequently find themselves surprised by China’s capabilities in industries central to economic and national security—from artificial intelligence and robotics to pharmaceuticals, advanced manufacturing, and strategic supply chains. Episodes widely described as “DeepSeek moments” reflect more than isolated breakthroughs; they reveal a systematic failure to understand how China builds technological capacity and scales it with speed. At the Stanford Center on China's Economy and Institutions' third annual China Conference, leading academics and policy experts examined both the phenomenon and the repercussions of those assumptions. A common thread emerged: the world’s prevailing frameworks for assessing China’s innovative capacity often underestimate it, and the consequences of that blind spot are growing.

A Sweeping Tech Ambition with Self-Sufficiency at the Core
Barry Naughton, a leading economist of China at UC San Diego, framed the stakes: China’s innovation apparatus, he argued, is not simply a set of R&D programs—it is part of an “across-the-board commitment” to recreate within China’s borders all of the sophisticated inputs required to run a modern economy. The goal, embedded in successive five-year plans, is what China’s policymakers call a “modernized industrial system”: an economy in which technological spillovers are captured domestically rather than leaking out to foreign suppliers and partners.

This ambition carries enormous costs. Fiscal revenues as a share of GDP have fallen by roughly seven percentage points since 2015, Naughton noted, as resources have been channeled into industrial priorities. Local governments—many of them carrying deep deficits—continue to fund showy high-tech parks and innovation consortia in response to signals from Beijing. The result, as Naughton and others put it, is a system producing “impressive achievements alongside an enormous amount of waste.”

The goal is what China’s policymakers call a “modernized industrial system”: an economy in which technological spillovers are captured domestically rather than leaking out to foreign suppliers and partners.

Semiconductors: The Limits of Containment?
The conference returned repeatedly to America’s use of export controls—and whether they are working. The verdict was nuanced. Philip Wong, the Willard R. and Inez Kerr Bell Professor of Electrical Engineering at Stanford, argued that in the semiconductor space the strategy has plainly backfired. By cutting China’s firms off from American chip-making equipment and advanced logic chips, the controls created a large captive domestic market for China’s equipment suppliers who previously had no customers. “It basically enabled the indigenous supply chains to have a wonderful set of customers within China,” Wong said, “and so they were able to climb up the learning curve really quickly, much more quickly than before.” Other speakers suggested that may be a tolerable cost as long as export controls allow the US to reach certain frontier capabilities first—as has been the case with Anthropic’s Mythos model.

Wong pushed back on both alarmism and dismissiveness about China's broader technological rise. China, he argued, has genuine world-class talent and infrastructure across multiple sectors—a peer competitor, not a pretender. "If you are among the best athletes, sometimes you win, sometimes other people win. That happens all the time." To treat any given Chinese breakthrough as proof of American collapse, or to wave it away as a fluke, both miss the point: China is, in his words, "a bona fide good athlete."

Wong’s recommended alternative to export controls was direct: rather than trying to slow a competitor, the United States should focus on “how do we make ourselves run faster.” That sentiment echoed throughout the day, particularly after he noted that the National Science Board had recently been dismissed and that American R&D funding continues to be primarily focused on defense-oriented research. 

Biotech: From Follower to Leading Force
Physician-scientist Chenjian Li, a research fellow at the Hoover Institution, offered striking data on China’s advancement in biotech. In the active pharmaceutical ingredients that form the basis of medicines taken by hundreds of millions of Americans daily, China has achieved near-total global dominance—some categories are 100% Chinese-sourced. “Medicine, be it advanced experimental drugs, high-end prescriptions or just daily over-the-counter pills, are actually much more impactful than weapons of mass destruction,” Li said, “because they affect 80% of the United States and global population.”

At the cutting edge of drug discovery, the picture is more nuanced but equally notable. Chinese biotech startups are increasingly producing competitive "me-too, me-better" drugs that improve on existing treatments, and pushing into "first-in-class" drugs—the crown jewels of pharmaceutical innovation. Major multinational corporations (MNCs) are paying billions to acquire them. The fact that Pfizer, Merck, and Eli Lilly are spending at this scale, Li argued, says something important: “The MNCs buy those new therapeutic assets because they are solid and unique, and because the MNCs don’t think that they can be as fast and as good in those lines.”

Economist Ruixue Jia of UC San Diego connected this pharmaceutical surge to China’s education system, which has spent decades steering enormous numbers of students toward engineering and STEM fields, including biology and life sciences. The founder of one of last year’s biggest biotech deals—a $5.6 billion transaction—fit a pattern Jia’s research keeps finding: educated in China, PhD in Canada, postdoc in the United States, returned to China in 2008. “It’s not just a success story of Chinese education,” she noted. “It’s also a success story of North American education.”

Fragmentation and the AI Race
A central tension runs through the broader debate: what do the world’s two largest economies actually gain or lose from their escalating technological confrontation?

Tsinghua economist Hong Ma argued that, measured by its own goals, the American trade war has largely failed. US import dependence on Chinese value-added has remained roughly constant despite years of tariffs, as goods simply reroute through third countries. Beyond tariffs, he warned of a longer-term cost: fragmentation into two separate innovation ecosystems, neither large enough to fully benefit from the other. The US would lose access to the Chinese market, Chinese engineering feedback, and the scale that sustains rapid innovation. “On both sides,” he said, “this is not the optimal equilibrium.”

Panelists pointed to China’s open-weight AI models as evidence of a different kind of competition playing out below the frontier. China’s models from Alibaba, Moonshot AI, and others are being used across the globe—often simply because they are cheaper and good enough for most applications. In this way, big US labs may be ahead on raw benchmarks, but that advantage does not automatically translate into leading global adoption.

The lesson is not that China cannot innovate, but that state-directed industrial policy produces highly variable results.

Impressive Achievements, Costly Failures
Another useful synthesis came from Scott Kennedy of the Center for Strategic and International Studies. Kennedy’s “bumpy success” framework holds that China’s innovation trajectory is clearly positive—it now ranks tenth globally on the Innovation Index, ahead of Japan in the Asia-Pacific—but deeply uneven across sectors. He described China as a “slow tech dragon”: vast misallocation of resources produces genuine breakthroughs alongside enormous waste, and that waste is a real drag on the broader economy. Commercial aviation was one such example—despite being a signature priority for China’s leadership and the single largest recipient of state investment, the result is, in Kennedy’s words, “an American plane with Chinese paint.” The lesson is not that China cannot innovate, but that state-directed industrial policy produces highly variable results.

That framework—impressive achievements, structural waste, uneven outcomes—runs as a quiet undercurrent through the broader debate. Structural challenges remain: a domestic market that cannot yet absorb the premium prices of cutting-edge drugs; an education system optimized for solving known problems rather than identifying unknown ones; and an economy in which the benefits of technological investment are not yet reaching ordinary households.

The picture that emerges resists easy predictions, but carries a clear message: the old frameworks—China as technological follower, export controls as sufficient means to maintain America’s remaining technological edge, global supply chains as something susceptible to political redirection—often no longer fit the evidence. The task now is building better ones.
 



Discover more from the 2026 SCCEI China Conference. 
 


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Rush Doshi speaks behind a podium at the SCCEI China Conference
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To Counter China's Scale, the U.S. Must Build Allied Scale, Reasons Rush Doshi

Rush Doshi, keynote speaker at the 2026 SCCEI China Conference, laid out an eight-point blueprint for transforming U.S. alliances into an engine of shared economic and industrial capacity.
To Counter China's Scale, the U.S. Must Build Allied Scale, Reasons Rush Doshi
Sean Stein addresses the audience during a keynote speech.
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The High Cost of Miscalculation: Sean Stein on U.S.-China Trade Fallout

In a keynote address during the 2025 SCCEI China Conference, U.S.-China Business Council President Sean Stein cautioned that strategic miscalculations and trade tensions have left the U.S. economy with lasting setbacks—and few clear gains.
The High Cost of Miscalculation: Sean Stein on U.S.-China Trade Fallout
Elizabeth Economy speaks during a Fireside Chat.
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Strategic Shifts: Understanding China’s Global Ambitions and U.S.-China Dynamics with Elizabeth Economy

At the 2025 SCCEI China Conference, Elizabeth Economy, Hargrove Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution, outlined China’s ambitious bid to reshape the global order—and urged the U.S. to respond with vision, not just rivalry, during a Fireside Chat with Professor Hongbin Li, Senior Fellow and SCCEI Faculty Co-Director.
Strategic Shifts: Understanding China’s Global Ambitions and U.S.-China Dynamics with Elizabeth Economy
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SCCEI brought together leading China scholars this spring for its third annual China Conference under the theme “Understanding ‘DeepSeek Moments’ and China’s Innovation Ecosystem.” Conversation centered around the idea that the world’s prevailing frameworks for assessing China’s innovative capacity often underestimate it, and the consequences of that blind spot are growing.

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China's Innovative Capacity Is Underestimated — and the Stakes Are Growing
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The United States cannot match China's scale alone and pretending otherwise is a strategic mistake. That was the central message Rush Doshi delivered as keynote speaker at the Stanford Center on China's Economy and Institutions' 2026 annual China Conference, where he called on the U.S. to reimagine its alliance system as a platform for building shared capacity across military, economic, and technological domains.

Rush Doshi, the C.V. Starr Senior Fellow for Asia Studies at the Council on Foreign Relations and an assistant professor at Georgetown's Walsh School of Foreign Service, previously served as Deputy Senior Director for China and Taiwan on the National Security Council (2021-24), where, for a portion of his tenure, he was the U.S. government’s lead action officer coordinating the negotiations that launched AUKUS, a trilateral security partnership for the Indo-Pacific region between Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States. He is also the author of The Long Game: China's Grand Strategy to Displace American Order (Oxford University Press, 2021).

Doshi grounded his address in a historical argument: scale, which Doshi defined as “the ability to generate efficiency and productivity and thereby outcompete rivals,” has been the decisive factor in the rise and fall of great powers. Great Britain's eclipse by larger industrializing rivals in the late nineteenth century, he argued, offers a cautionary parallel for the U.S. today. "Today, that sense of daunting scale belongs to China," Doshi said, "and the United States appears to be in the position that Great Britain was in a century ago."

China's Scale Is Not Abstract
China's economy, measured in purchasing power, is now roughly 30 percent larger than that of the United States, and its share of global manufacturing quintupled in the two decades after joining the WTO, while the U.S. share fell by half. China has two to three times U.S. industrial capacity, 13 times U.S. steel production, and roughly 500 times U.S. shipbuilding capacity. It produces two-thirds of the world's electric vehicles, three-quarters of its batteries, and 90 percent of its solar panels and refined rare earths, and is at the leading edge of six of the ten industries expected to define the next industrial revolution.
That industrial strength is now translating into direct geopolitical leverage. Doshi pointed to China's weaponization of its rare earths dominance in 2025, which effectively forced the U.S. to walk back elements of its own trade and export control policies. "That marked the first time that an export control was used to force open market access," he said. "That's a massive moment in the history of trade.

The Case for Allied Scale
The answer, Doshi argued, is not to retreat into fortress America, a sphere-of-influence arrangement, or a China-led order, but to build what he calls "allied scale." A coalition of the U.S. and its key allies and partners would represent three times China's nominal GDP, twice its defense spending, and one and a half times its share of global manufacturing.

That advantage is entirely theoretical, unlocking its potential, though, is the central task of American statecraft in this century."
Rush Doshi

"That advantage is entirely theoretical," Doshi conceded. "Unlocking its potential, though, is the central task of American statecraft in this century." In practice, that might mean Japan and South Korea investing in American shipbuilding; Taiwan building semiconductor plants in the U.S.; allies co-producing advanced weapons systems; and all parties maintaining a shared tariff or regulatory wall against China's excess industrial capacity. On the economic side, Doshi called for common investment screening, coordinated industrial policy, and an "economic Article 5" ensuring that when China uses economic coercion against one ally, all respond together.

Addressing the Skeptics
Doshi acknowledged "the new pessimism," the view that Trump-era damage to U.S. alliances has made allied scale impossible. The strain is real, he said, but not terminal, for three reasons:

  1. The alternatives are worse. Spheres of influence, unrestrained multipolarity, and a China-led order all leave the U.S. and its partners poorer and less secure. 
  2. Alliances have absorbed serious shocks before and survived. For example, France's withdrawal from NATO's unified command, Nixon's opening to China, the Plaza Accord. 
  3. The underlying logic of interdependence persists. Allied economies are growing more dependent on U.S. markets as China buys less from them, allies are purchasing record numbers of American weapons, and even the Trump administration has not escaped the pull of allied scale, with Vice President Vance publicly calling for a trading bloc among allies to break China's chokehold on critical minerals.
Allied scale can't just be about balancing China, it has to be about building the kind of world that we want to see and live in.
Rush Doshi

Eight Principles to Achieve Allied Scale
Doshi closed with a practical blueprint — eight principles for building allied scale.

  1. Turn the page on the Trump era. Persuade allies that the most damaging recent policies were products of individual leadership rather than durable features of the American political system.

  2. Begin with humility. Start with small, achievable projects: a joint shipbuilding effort, a critical minerals offtake agreement, a co-production line. Build from there.

  3. Build mutually beneficial bargains. Allies invest in America; America invests in allies. All extend each other more preferential terms than they do to non-market economies like China.

  4. Pay attention to domestic politics. “The danger of the ‘Trump Approach’ is alienation and polarization of allied politics that makes diplomacy impossible.” Any allied scale strategy must be first grounded in domestic politics.

  5. Build ad hoc coalitions. Allied scale does not mean doing everything with everyone. It means assembling the right groupings for specific challenges and opportunities.

  6. Bolster credibility through congressional legislation. Executive orders are too easily reversed. Durable commitments to allies require legislative backing that is harder to undo with a change in administration.

  7. Build on existing platforms. Frameworks like the Quad, AUKUS, the U.S.-Japan-South Korea trilateral, and the G7 already exist. Allied scale should strengthen what works, not start from scratch.

  8. Articulate an affirmative vision. "Allied scale can't just be about balancing China," Doshi said. "It has to be about building the kind of world that we want to see and live in."


“That work is hard,” Doshi concluded, but “it's not impossible. And the alternatives are far more concerning than the future that I’m outlining.” Doshi ended his address on a note of optimism: a call to action for the U.S. to reforge our alliances and rebalance the world order to create a better world for not just the U.S., but for nations across the globe.



A full recording of Dr. Rush Doshi’s talk is available on YouTube and below.


This article was supported by research using Claude. All outputs were reviewed by humans and the final expression was produced by the author.

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A panel of men sit at a long table on a stage.
News

China's Innovative Capacity Is Underestimated — and the Stakes Are Growing

SCCEI brought together leading China scholars this spring for its third annual China Conference under the theme “Understanding ‘DeepSeek Moments’ and China’s Innovation Ecosystem.” Conversation centered around the idea that the world’s prevailing frameworks for assessing China’s innovative capacity often underestimate it, and the consequences of that blind spot are growing.
China's Innovative Capacity Is Underestimated — and the Stakes Are Growing
Sean Stein addresses the audience during a keynote speech.
News

The High Cost of Miscalculation: Sean Stein on U.S.-China Trade Fallout

In a keynote address during the 2025 SCCEI China Conference, U.S.-China Business Council President Sean Stein cautioned that strategic miscalculations and trade tensions have left the U.S. economy with lasting setbacks—and few clear gains.
The High Cost of Miscalculation: Sean Stein on U.S.-China Trade Fallout
Elizabeth Economy speaks during a Fireside Chat.
News

Strategic Shifts: Understanding China’s Global Ambitions and U.S.-China Dynamics with Elizabeth Economy

At the 2025 SCCEI China Conference, Elizabeth Economy, Hargrove Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution, outlined China’s ambitious bid to reshape the global order—and urged the U.S. to respond with vision, not just rivalry, during a Fireside Chat with Professor Hongbin Li, Senior Fellow and SCCEI Faculty Co-Director.
Strategic Shifts: Understanding China’s Global Ambitions and U.S.-China Dynamics with Elizabeth Economy
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Rush Doshi speaks behind a podium at the SCCEI China Conference
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Rush Doshi, keynote speaker at the 2026 SCCEI China Conference, laid out an eight-point blueprint for transforming U.S. alliances into an engine of shared economic and industrial capacity.

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What makes a corporation American, Italian, Chinese, or any other nationality – and who gets to decide? In the contemporary global economy, corporate national identity (CNI) can no longer be understood as a fixed legal attribute. Rather, it emerges from the interaction of four interrelated facets – legal, economic, (geo)political, and symbolic – whose relative salience varies across contexts and over time. Classical legal tests such as the jurisdiction of incorporation, real seat doctrine, and corporate control remain important, but they are increasingly insufficient. In a world of weaponized interdependence, data location and access, supply-chain geography, state influence over private firms, and efforts to shape public perceptions of corporate identity now play central roles in determining how firms are classified and treated. Two nascent tests are emerging across these facets: what might be called a “data seat” doctrine that treats data location and access as a marker of CNI, and a government influence test that looks beyond voting equity to assess the degree of state leverage over corporate decision-making.

Drawing on case studies involving TikTok, Shein, Pirelli, and Nippon Steel’s acquisition of U.S. Steel, the article illustrates how CNI is increasingly contested and actively reconstructed. The result is a potential shift away from a binary world in which cross-border transactions are either permitted or blocked, toward a more intrusive model in which states restructure governance arrangements midstream in the name of national security, while firms seek to strategically shape their identities to navigate this new reality. The article explores new questions CNI contestation and engineering raise for corporate law, investor protection, and cross-border investment.

 

Related Blog Post - Published in Harvard Law School Forum on Corporate Governance:

 

Corporate National Identity: Contestation and Reconfiguration in an Age of Weaponized Interdependence > 

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Book cover for Andrew Walder's "Civil War in Guangxi," showing a photograph of mountains and a historical image of prisoners marching.

 

Guangxi, a region on China's southern border with Vietnam, has a large population of ethnic minorities and a history of rebellion and intergroup conflict. In the summer of 1968, during the high tide of the Cultural Revolution, it became notorious as the site of the most severe and extensive violence observed anywhere in China during that period of upheaval. Several cities saw urban combat resembling civil war, while waves of mass killings in rural communities generated enormous death tolls. More than one hundred thousand died in a few short months.

These events have been chronicled in sensational accounts that include horrific descriptions of gruesome murders, sexual violence, and even cannibalism. Only recently have scholars tried to explain why Guangxi was so much more violent than other regions. With evidence from a vast collection of classified materials compiled during an investigation by the Chinese government in the 1980s, this book reconsiders explanations that draw parallels with ethnic cleansing in Rwanda, Bosnia, and other settings. It reveals mass killings as the byproduct of an intense top-down mobilization of rural militia against a stubborn factional insurgency, resembling brutal counterinsurgency campaigns in a variety of settings. Moving methodically through the evidence, Andrew Walder provides a groundbreaking new analysis of one of the most shocking chapters of the Cultural Revolution.


Reviews of Civil War in Guangxi

 

Review by Donald S. Sutton, Carnegie Mellon University 
Published in The China Quarterly, November 6, 2023

"This work is yet another vital contribution to the study of the Cultural Revolution by the sociologist Andrew Walder.... It will be essential reading for scholars of the People's Republic and an accessible source, for informed lay readers and students, on the horrors of the Cultural Revolution."

Review by Yueran Zhang, University of Maryland Global College
Published in Social Forces, March 2024

"What is unique about Civil War in Guangxi. . . is its refreshing emphasis on the geopolitical dimension of the Cultural Revolution's complex twists and turns, concretely tying the tragic unfolding of political processes in China to the war operation in Vietnam. As such, this book is not only of pivotal interest to scholars of collective mobilization, political violence, and Chinese communism, but also firmly places itself in conversation with global and transnational sociology and scholarship on the US empire in the post-war era."

Review by Eddy U, University of California, Davis
Published in International Sociology, April 2, 2024

"The book furnishes a rich, multilayered, and event-based account of politics and governance (or the lack of it) in Guangxi during the Cultural Revolution."

Review by Fei Yan, Tsinghua University 
Published in Contemporary Sociology, April 27, 2024

"Enriched with a wealth of fresh data and evidence, Walder's book substantially enhances readers' comprehension of the intricacies of political violence in modern Chinese history. It also makes a substantial and pertinent contribution to the broader dialogues encompassing political sociology and contentious politics."

Review by James J. Hudson, University of North Carolina at Pembroke
Published in Twentieth-Century China, May 2024

"Civil War in Guangxi adds yet another important chapter to the narrative history of China's Cultural Revolution decade. . . . [A] new generation of scholars and students will have access to a valuable resource in Civil War in Guangxi, one that can teach lessons on how moments of intense political unrest can unleash the most horrid of inhuman tendencies in a society."

Review by K. Lynass, University of Maryland Global College
Published in Choice, September 2024

"This is an excellent illustration of sociological study, using newer ideas of analyzing the data in such a way that contextualizes the information provided in the sources. Essential."

Review by Daniel Leese, University of Freiburg,  Germany
Published in International Review of Social History, November 5, 2024

"Walder convincingly demonstrates that it is of crucial importance to take the specific chains of events into account in order to understand both the rise of factionalism and the patterns of political violence in Guangxi. Based on this largely historical approach, in combination with state-of-the-art statistical analysis and painstaking empirical detail, Andrew Walder has been able to significantly advance our understanding of why political violence in Guangxi came to be so much more intense than in most other Chinese regions."

Review by Daniel Koss, Harvard University
Published in Pacific Affairs, March 2025

"Cutting through the complexity of events, Walder's theory identifies forces that tie together the dynamics of the Cultural Revolution throughout the province. I am not aware of other analyses about Maoist movements which connect with such precision disparate events in towns and villages to events at higher levels of the state."

Review by Yiching Wu, University of Toronto
Published in China Journal, January 2026

"Civil War in Guangxi builds on an impressive range of archival materials, official reports, and local gazetteers. It uses provincial and county annals, confidential Communist Party documents, and post–Cultural Revolution investigation reports to provide a comprehensive account of political alignments, military interventions, and mass violence. By meticulously analyzing these materials, Walder traces the trajectories of factional conflicts from political struggles to full-scale militarized conflicts. . . . Civil War in Guangxi is set to become a key reference for anyone interested in the Cultural Revolution and the political history of the PRC. The book not only reaffirms Walder’s standing as the leading authority in the field but will also be an indispensable read for anyone hoping to gain a deeper understanding of this turbulent era."

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The Cultural Revolution on China's Southern Periphery 

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Andrew G. Walder
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Stanford University Press
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This study examines how center-based parenting interventions aimed at improving early child development in rural China affect the mental health of caregivers. Data from an analytic sample of 615 caregiver–child dyads (children aged 6 to 24 months, 48.5% girls; data collection: 2015–2017) in a 2-year cluster randomized controlled trial conducted in 100 villages showed that the intervention had no significant effect on caregiver depressive (β = − .047, SE = .079), anxiety (β = .040, SE = .076), or stress (β = .032, SE = .081) symptoms. Subgroup analyses found no significant difference in effects on mental health by prespecified characteristics after adjustment for multiple comparisons, except that the caregivers of children without social–emotional delay at baseline exhibited lower depression scores after the intervention (β = − .205, SE = .097, p = .043). The findings suggest that the center-based parenting intervention focused solely on strengthening parenting skills may be insufficient to improve caregiver mental health over 2 years.

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Hanwen Zhang
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This blog first appeared in The National Interest.



The return of President Donald Trump to the White House has not only increased geopolitical volatility – it has fundamentally altered expectations about how far major powers are willing to go to secure strategic advantage. What once seemed rhetorical excess—such as his repeated remarks about acquiring Greenland – now appears less implausible in light of recent events. From the escalating crisis in Venezuela in early 2026 to the ongoing Iran War as of May 2026, the United States has signaled a willingness to pursue geopolitical advantage with fewer constraints than before.

 

Against this backdrop, the Arctic is no longer a peripheral theater. It is rapidly emerging as a central arena where climate changeenergy security, and great-power competition intersect. The question is not whether the Arctic matters, but how states will position themselves in a region where the rules are still being written.

 

A Strategic Arctic, not a Peripheral One


The renewed US interest in Greenland should not be understood narrowly as a territorial ambition. Rather, it reflects a broader strategic calculation about the Arctic. The melting of Arctic ice – combined with technological advances—is making previously inaccessible resources and shipping routes increasingly viable. In this sense, Greenland is not the story – the Arctic is.

The Arctic is estimated to hold roughly 13 percent of the world’s undiscovered oil and 30 percent of its natural gas, making it one of the last major frontiers of global energy development. At the same time, new maritime routes such as the Northern Sea Route (NSR) and the emerging Transpolar Sea Route (TSR) promise to significantly shorten shipping distances between Asia and Europe.

 

For major powers, the implications are profound. Russia has already positioned itself as the dominant Arctic actor, leveraging its geography and resource base. China, through its “Polar Silk Road” initiative, seeks to embed the Arctic into its broader connectivity strategy. Meanwhile, the United States, increasingly viewing the region through a strategic lens, is attempting to mobilize its alliances to counterbalance these moves.

As recent studies suggest, the Arctic is becoming a new frontier of great-power competition – one where economic, military, and legal dimensions are deeply intertwined.

Why South Korea Is Paying Attention to the Arctic 

 

For South Korea, interest in the Arctic may appear surprising at first glance – especially given the ideological orientation of its current progressive government. Traditionally, progressive administrations in Seoul have emphasized engagement with continental powers such as China and Russia, while seeking rapprochement with North Korea. They have also shown interest in infrastructure connectivity across the Eurasian landmass.

 

Yet the Arctic presents a different kind of opportunity – one that aligns with both geopolitical necessity and economic ambition.


 

Eunjung Lim, a professor in the Division of International Studies at Kongju National University (KNU), is a visiting scholar at Shorenstein APARC from April 2026 to February 2027. She is also a member of the governing board of the Asia-Pacific Leadership Network and a member of the Subcommittee on Energy and Just Transition of the Presidential Commission on Carbon Neutrality and Green Growth. She earned a BA from the University of Tokyo, an MIA from Columbia University’s School of International and Public Affairs, and a PhD from Johns Hopkins University’s School of Advanced International Studies.

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Panelists gather for a group photo at the 2026 Oksenberg Conference.
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Indo-Pacific Powers Diversify and De-Risk as Multipolar World Takes Shape

At the 2026 Oksenberg Conference, scholars and foreign policy experts assessed how Indo-Pacific powers are coping with a less predictable United States as China pursues selective leadership and Russia exploits Western divisions.
Indo-Pacific Powers Diversify and De-Risk as Multipolar World Takes Shape
Supporters of impeached South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol gather on April 4, 2025 in Seoul, South Korea, with a foucs on a man holding a sign reading "Stop the Steal" and an American flag.
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Reactionary Politics in South Korea: Understanding Far-Right Ideas and Practices

University of Hawaiʻi at Mānoa sociologist Myungji Yang offers a historical account of South Korea’s far right, arguing that recent reactionary mobilization reflects long-standing Cold War legacies, anti-communism, and conservative political networks. Although South Korea is often viewed as one of Asia’s democratic success stories, Yang suggests that recent political turmoil has revealed how deeply rooted illiberal forces remain.
Reactionary Politics in South Korea: Understanding Far-Right Ideas and Practices
Cover of The Journal of Korean Studies (Volume 31, Issue 1).
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A Homecoming for Korean Studies: The Journal of Korean Studies Returns to Stanford

The Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center’s Korea Program welcomes back The Journal of Korean Studies with the publication of Volume 31, Issue 1.
A Homecoming for Korean Studies: The Journal of Korean Studies Returns to Stanford
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Snow-capped mountains and a seascape on the shore of the Arctic town of Longyearbyen. | Dragon_XXC via Pixabay
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As Arctic ice melts, South Korea sees new opportunities in energy, shipping, and shipbuilding – but also growing geopolitical risks tied to US-China-Russia competition.

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In rural China, there is an urgent need for investment and innovative approaches for addressing adolescent mental health issues. This embedded mixed-methods study examines the effectiveness of a social-emotional learning (SEL) program in rural primary schools across China and the factors affecting compliance among teachers delivering the program. Pre- and post-intervention surveys assessed its effect on 2027 students in 49 schools, and 38 teachers were interviewed during the intervention. Results show that SEL courses improved student mental health. Some teachers reported increased workload and lack of support, while others noted the importance of mental health education and positive student outcomes. Performance incentives and the positive perceptions of SEL among teachers were crucial for effective delivery, though workload and lack of support often limited commitment. Overall, enhancing rural students' well-being through SEL programs requires raising awareness for SEL among teachers and building institutional support.

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Teaching and Teacher Education
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Tianli Feng
Huan Wang
Hanwen Zhang
Scott Rozelle
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Objectives
Considering the importance of caregiver mental health for early childhood development, this study investigates risk and protective factors of mental health of mothers and grandmothers caring for infants and toddlers in rural China.

Methods
Using survey data from 777 primary caregivers of children aged 5 to 25 months, we apply regression analysis and structural equation modeling to examine associations between social support, mental health literacy, parenting-related hardships, and mental health among mothers and grandmothers.

Results
The study finds that 33% of the caregivers report symptoms of mental health problems, with grandmothers experiencing more severe symptoms. Poor caregiver mental health is associated with lower child language (p < 0.05) and social-emotional development (p < 0.001). Social support and mental health literacy are associated with better mental health, but this association was not statistically significant among either the mothers or the grandmothers alone.

Conclusions
Enhancing caregiver mental health is crucial for children’s development. Social support and mental health literacy are predictors of mental health. Future research should examine the effect of improving social support and mental health literacy on the mental health of caregivers for young children.

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BMC Psychology
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Hanwen Zhang
Scott Rozelle
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Noa Ronkin
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As U.S. President Donald Trump prepares to visit Beijing on May 14-15, 2026, for a highly anticipated summit with President Xi Jinping, the world is watching to see if the two leaders can stabilize a U.S.-China relationship strained by disputes over trade, technological race, the future of Taiwan, and the rippling effects of the conflict with Iran.

Trump’s trip to Beijing – already rescheduled once due to the conflict in the Middle East – has been described as having tremendous symbolic significance. Yet, expectations for a breakthrough on specific deliverables should remain low, according to Susan Thornton, a China expert and former U.S. diplomat. Thornton joined APARC Director Kiyoteru Tsutsui on the latest episode of the APARC Briefing video series to analyze the potential outcomes of the Trump-Xi summit and the high-stakes dynamics shaping U.S.-China relations.
 

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Kiyoteru Tsutsui interviews Susan Thornton.


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Symbols Over Deliverables


Thornton’s nearly three-decade career with the U.S. State Department in Eurasia and East Asia culminated in her role as Acting Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs during the first Trump administration. She offered a pragmatic forecast for the Trump-Xi summit, arguing that its primary value lies in the act of meeting itself.

While both President Trump and President Xi are committed to keeping their dialogue, the expectations for concrete outcomes on pivotal issues in the U.S.-China bilateral relationship should be tempered, argued Thornton, who is currently a senior fellow at Yale Law School’s Paul Tsai China Center, the director of the Forum on Asia-Pacific Security at the National Committee on American Foreign Policy, and a nonresident senior fellow at the Brookings Institution. 

Whether on Taiwan or other pressing matters, China has made it clear it is not interested in a “G2 or a grand bargain” and has relatively low expectations for the list of substantive disputes between the two powers.

The Shadow of the Iran War


The ongoing conflict with Iran has added a new layer of complexity to the tense bilateral relationship. President Trump heads to Beijing after unsuccessful efforts to pressure China into helping reopen the Strait of Hormuz, while Beijing continues backing Tehran politically and potentially militarily. 

Thornton assessed that China will not allow the conflict to derail its high-level engagement with Washington, even as it officially disapproves of the U.S. intervention in the Middle East. “Keeping the U.S.-China relationship on track is much more important than having some kind of a protest signal like that,” she stated.

She suggested that Beijing may see a strategic advantage in America’s renewed focus on the Middle East. While China has made nominal peace proposals, it has not stepped up as a mediator. “It seems like they are kind of hanging back and waiting to see what will happen,” Thornton observed. She posited that, from Beijing’s perspective, a U.S. entanglement in the Middle East may serve as a useful distraction, diverting Washington’s attention and pressure away from China.

At the same time, China is hedging its bets by securing alternative energy supplies and gaining influence in regions where the conflict in the Middle East has damaged U.S. credibility.

The biggest problem for U.S. negotiators is focusing on two or three enduring and major asks of the Chinese in the trade and economic market-opening space. We've really had a hard time deciding what it is that we want from China.
Susan Thornton

Trade and Tech: A Call for a Paradigm Shift


On the economic front, Thornton drew on her deep experience in trade negotiations to critique the lack of focus in U.S. policy.

"The biggest problem for U.S. negotiators is deciding what it is that we want from China," she said. "We tend to give them a long list of revolving priorities, which [makes it easy for the] other side of the negotiating table to just fob them off and not actually commit to anything over years of negotiations.”

On the technology rivalry between the two powers, Thornton urged a shift in strategy. Rather than pursuing sweeping export controls that are often unilateral and incomplete, she advocated for a narrower, multilateral approach focused on the most sensitive technologies, combined with a greater emphasis on American innovation. AI governance is one of the areas Thornton believes could be a common ground for Washington and Beijing to align their policies.

“It's going to be very hard for the United States to contain China's technological ambitions and growth,” she said. “I don't think that we're exactly competing on the same metrics. I question how it is that we're going to be able to keep China from getting technologies that are dual-use but might be useful in some military application when these things are basically economy-wide products.”

When it comes to technological competition, "We need to try to run faster than China, not be constantly trying to trip China up and looking in the rearview mirror," Thornton urged. "I don't think that's going to bode well for the long-term development of the U.S. tech sector."

The Taiwan Flashpoint: A Longer-Term Challenge


While Taiwan remains the most dangerous flashpoint that could trigger a kinetic warfare between the United States and China, Thornton believes that the immediate risk of conflict has receded, in accordance with recent U.S. threat assessments that no longer see 2027 as a likely target date for a potential Chinese takeover of the island.

Beijing, she argued, is closely watching the domestic political situation in Taiwan and how the leadership in Taipei views U.S. reliability and support. “I think the Chinese have determined, based on both of those things they've been watching, that they can afford to wait a bit longer, see what happens.”

Thornton cautioned, however, that, even as a conflict over Taiwan may no longer pose an immediate-term threat, “it is a problem that is going to develop over the coming decade.”

Diplomacy in a Multipolar World Order 


When asked about the future of the global order, Thornton described a trend toward fragmentation. If the United States steps back from its global leadership role, it is difficult to see who else would be willing or able to shoulder the cost of providing global public goods, she said. A “thinner world order,” with the United Nations at its center, may eventually find favor with countries that can afford to pay for some of those goods, she reflected.

In a closing advice for aspiring foreign service officers, Thornton argued that the emergence of a multipolar world reinforces the need for skilled diplomacy. “As the global order changes and more countries come into the mix of the councils of politics in the world, the United States will have to lean back toward diplomacy more,” she predicted.

“We're going to need very good diplomats,” she concluded, because it will be significantly harder to be an American diplomat in a fragmented world order in which the United States is no longer the single overwhelmingly dominant power.

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Speaking on the latest episode of the APARC Briefing series, China expert and veteran diplomat Susan Thornton argues for managing expectations of the summit between the two presidents, rethinking the U.S.-China technology competition, and understanding Beijing’s long game on Taiwan.

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The Stanford Program on International and Cross-Cultural Education (SPICE) is pleased to announce that applications are now being accepted for the Fall 2026 session of Introduction to Contemporary China, an intensive online course offered by the China Scholars Program (CSP). Designed for motivated U.S. high school students, this course introduces students to contemporary China through an interdisciplinary and discussion-based approach. The course is open to rising 10th, 11th, and 12th graders nationwide.

Fall 2026 China Scholars Program: Introduction to Contemporary China
Application period: May 6 to June 20, 2026
Tuition: $2500
Program dates: September 3 to December 19, 2026

As China’s global stature continues to rise, as it takes on leading roles in the clean energy transition and AI development, international trade, international security, and much more, it becomes more vital than ever to understand it. Through CSP, students explore the historical developments, domestic challenges, and global relationships that shape contemporary China and its interactions with the United States.

Throughout the semester, students participate in weekly Zoom sessions featuring leading experts from Stanford University and beyond as guest speakers. Coursework includes college-level readings, analytical discussions, and written assignments that encourage students to engage critically with current issues affecting China and the broader international community.

A central component of the program is an independent research project in which students investigate a topic of their choice related to contemporary China. Past research topics have included environmental policy, education, artificial intelligence, demographics, popular culture, public health, economic reform, and media. Students conclude the course by producing a substantive academic paper based on their research.

In addition to learning from experts and peers across the United States, CSP students will also have the opportunity to connect online with Chinese students in the Stanford e-China Program, fostering meaningful cross-cultural dialogue and exchange.

The course also offers students an opportunity to explore potential interests in fields such as international relations, political science, business, journalism, public policy, and Asian studies before entering college.

CSP provides students with the knowledge, diverse perspectives, and analytical skills needed to better understand one of the world’s most consequential countries and its evolving relationship with the United States.

For more information, please visit the course website or contact Tanya Lee with questions.


The China Scholars Program is one of several online courses offered by SPICE.

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Applications are open for CSP’s “Introduction to Contemporary China” course. Deadline: June 20, 2026.

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