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On August 23, 2021, a virtual award ceremony was held to recognize the eight honorees of SPICE’s 2020–2021 regional programs in Japan. These students performed at the highest levels in their respective courses. Their names, high schools, and final research project titles appear below.

Stanford e-Hiroshima (Instructor Rylan Sekiguchi)

  • Sara Arakawa (Hiroshima Prefectural Hiroshima Kokutaiji Senior High School), “Silicon Valley: Secrets Behind Success”
  • Chika Isone (Hiroshima Prefectural Hiroshima Senior High School), “Innovation by Design Thinking in Silicon Valley”


Stanford e-Kawasaki (Instructor Maiko Tamagawa Bacha)

  • Eric Silang (Kawasaki High School), “Humor and America”
  • Shunya Tani (Kawasaki High School), “Possible Ways to Promote Renewable Energy in Japan and the U.S.”


Stanford e-Oita (Instructor Kasumi Yamashita)

  • Hana Burkart (Hofu High School), “Social Discrimination Against Foreigners in Japan”
  • Yayano Okuda (Usa High School), “Environmental Education”


Stanford e-Tottori (Instructor Jonas Edman)

  • Eri Tamura (Tottori Nishi High School), “Teachers’ Treatment in the U.S.”
  • Hinata Yonemura (Yonago Higashi High School), “Veganism: How Japanese Society Can Promote It”
     

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The Honorable Toru Maeda, Consul General of Japan in San Francisco

The Honorable Toru Maeda, Consul General of Japan in San Francisco, made opening remarks and congratulated the honorees on their outstanding academic performances. Addressing the students directly, he said, “You have demonstrated strong initiative and deep understanding of various aspects of Japan and the United States.” He also expressed optimism in the future of the U.S.–Japan relationship. He continued, “With young people like you, I’m confident that Japan–U.S. relations—which are now firmly based on shared fundamental values and common strategic goals—will continue to grow for many years to come. A deeper understanding among young people on both sides will promote greater cooperation and collaboration between our two countries, which will enable us to meet the challenges lying ahead.”

With young people like you, I’m confident that Japan–U.S. relations—which are now firmly based on shared fundamental values and common strategic goals—will continue to grow for many years to come.
The Honorable Toru Maeda
Consul General of Japan in San Francisco

Consul General Maeda’s remarks were followed by introductions of the student honorees by their instructors Sekiguchi, Bacha, Yamashita, and Edman. The honorees then gave formal research presentations in English and responded to questions from the audience. Each honoree received an award plaque to recognize their achievement.

Although some of the students felt nervous about their presentations at the beginning of the event, once the ceremony ended, they felt a sense of accomplishment and renewed motivation. “I had a great time today,” commented Sara Arakawa. “My desire to study English is getting stronger each day, and I will practice hard to be a person who works globally in the future. I will never forget everything I learned in this program.”

My desire to study English is getting stronger each day, and I will practice hard to be a person who works globally in the future. I will never forget everything I learned in this program.
Sara Arakawa
Honoree of 2020–2021 Stanford e-Hiroshima Program

The SPICE instructors would like to express their gratitude to their key contacts at the Hiroshima, Oita, and Tottori Prefectural Boards of Education and the City of Kawasaki, who have helped make these regional programs a success. They would also like to thank Hiroshima Governor Hidehiko Yuzaki, Kawasaki Mayor Norihiko Fukuda, Oita Governor Katsusada Hirose, and Tottori Governor Shinji Hirai for their continued support of these regional programs.

SPICE’s regional programs are a subset of our local student programs in Japan.

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Honorees of SPICE’s regional programs in Japan
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Honorees of SPICE’s 2020–2021 regional programs in Japan
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Congratulations to the eight student honorees from Hiroshima Prefecture, Kawasaki City, Oita Prefecture, and Tottori Prefecture.

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Gary Mukai
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Stanford e-Entrepreneurship Japan is an online course offered to high school students from throughout Japan. It is offered annually in spring and fall by SPICE and the Japanese NPO e-Entrepreneurship, led by Yusuke Matsuda. The instructors are Maiko Tamagawa Bacha (spring) and Irene Bryant (fall).

On August 11, 2021, the top students in the 2020 spring and fall cohorts were honored in a virtual ceremony. They are listed below alphabetically.  

  • Naho Abe, The American School Foundation in Mexico City
  • Yasuko Kinoshita, graduate of Akita Senior High School, Akita Prefecture
  • Rion Kurihara, Shibuya Senior High School, Tokyo
  • Sungyeon “Sunny” Park, The British School in Tokyo

The goal of Stanford e-Entrepreneurship Japan is to foster creative thinking and problem-solving skills in students with a focus on innovation to address social issues. During the ceremony, the honorees made presentations that focused on history textbook controversies in Japan (Abe); aging communities in rural prefectures like Akita (Kinoshita); gun control in the United States (Kurihara); and poverty alleviation (Park).

While listening to the presentations, Bacha and Bryant were struck by the diversity represented by the honorees. Bryant, who is a former Coordinator of International Relations on the Japan Exchange and Teaching (JET) Program in Sendai, Miyagi Prefecture, reflected, “As an American who has lived outside of the United States for many years, I have no doubt that Naho’s attendance at a high school in Mexico City and Sunny’s attendance at The British School in Tokyo will have a profound effect on their college studies and possibly careers, just as my overseas experiences have had a profound effect on my life.” Bacha similarly reflected, “As a Japanese national who attended graduate school in California and also worked in San Francisco, I think it’s great that Yasuko, who is from the rural prefecture of Akita, will be enrolling at Minerva University in San Francisco this year, and hope that Rion will fulfill her dream of enrolling in a university in the United States as well.”

Bryant and Bacha are most grateful to the following educators in Japan for their support throughout the 2020 courses:

  • Mana Miura, Curriculum Designer, NPO e-Entrepreneurship
  • Roy Lee, former teacher at Seiko Jr. and Sr. High School
  • Sara Inoue, currently a student at Harvard University’s Graduate School of Education

The spring 2020 Stanford e-Entrepreneurship Japan course was generously supported by the Water Dragon Foundation. The fall 2020 Stanford e-Entrepreneurship Japan course was generously supported by Noriko Honda Chen and the Capital Group, Norman Chen, Andrew Ogawa, and Mako Ogawa.

For more information about SPICE’s online courses for students, visit our Student Programs page.

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Stanford e-Entrepreneurship Japan honorees with their instructors
Stanford e-Entrepreneurship Japan honorees with their instructors
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On August 11, 2021, SPICE honored the top students in the 2020 Stanford e-Entrepreneurship Japan Program in a virtual ceremony.

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On August 9, 2021, a virtual award ceremony was held to honor SPICE’s Spring and Fall 2020 Stanford e-Japan honorees and 2021 Reischauer Scholars Program honorees. The honorees performed at the highest levels of their courses as determined by Stanford e-Japan Instructors Waka Brown and Meiko Kotani, Reischauer Scholars Program Instructor Naomi Funahashi, and research paper review committees.

Spring and Fall 2020 Stanford e-Japan Program Honorees and Their Research Paper Topics

  • Coco Kawaguchi (Keio Girls Senior High School, Tokyo), “To Infinity and Beyond! National Survival in the Era of Venture Space Development”
  • Sotaro Kunieda (Suwa Seiryo High School, Nagano), “Fostering Social Enterprises in Japan: Lessons from the United States”
  • Yun-Tzu (Allison) Lin (Canadian Academy, Kobe), “Nuclear Deterrence Theory: An Evaluation of Its Effectiveness in Preventing Future Deployment of Nuclear Weapons”
  • Minami Matsushima (Senri & Osaka International Schools of Kwansei Gakuin, Osaka), “The Price We Pay for Men to Be Men: Toxic Masculinity in the United States”
  • Yuna Naoi (Tokyo Metropolitan Hibiya High School, Tokyo), “Online Secondary School Education in Japan and the U.S. Amid the COVID-19 Crisis”
  • Kenta Yoshii (Shukutoku Junior and Senior High School, Tokyo), “In Search of a Realistic Substitute for U.S. Extended Deterrence for Japan”

Honorable Mentions: Risako Nomura (Yokohama Senior High School of International Studies, Kanagawa); Satoru Uchida (Tokyo Metropolitan High School, Tokyo)

2021 Reischauer Scholars Program Honorees and Their Research Paper Topics

  • Erica Cai (The Harker School, San Jose, California), “The Darkness in Pursuing Lightness: Western Perspectives on Japanese Colorism”
  • Kristine Pashin (Notre Dame High School, San Jose, California), “The Rite of Rights: An Examination of Socio-Cultural Precedent in Japanese Law”
  • Kasha Tyranski (St. Petersburg High School, St. Petersburg, Florida), “Gastrodiplomacy: Examining the Soft Power of Food in U.S.–Japan Relations”

Honorable Mentions: Noah Kurima (Sage Creek High School, Carlsbad, California); Kalia Lai (The College Preparatory School, Oakland, California); Benjamin Thomas (Garfield High School, Seattle, Washington)

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Deputy Consul General Higuchi headshot

The Honorable Keiichi Higuchi, Deputy Consul General of Japan in San Francisco, made opening comments. “I commend each and every one of you for your hard work and dedication to complete your program in spite of your regular school responsibilities,” he remarked. “You have demonstrated your initiative and determination to further your understanding of Japan and the United States. However, this should not be the end but just the beginning of your journey. I strongly encourage you to continue your studies, and I hope that your experiences in these programs will inspire you to think about a career involving Japan and the United States. I look forward to the day when I hear that some of you will be actively engaged in furthering the Japan–U.S. relationship in your careers and in your lives.”

He continued, “I would like you to know that the special expertise and knowledge that you gained makes you uniquely qualified to take a leading role in promoting Japan–U.S. relations… With young people like you, I have full confidence that the Japan–U.S. relationship will continue to grow and thrive for many years to come.”

Following Deputy Consul General Higuchi’s comments, the student honorees made presentations based on their research papers and expertly fielded questions from the audience.

Yu Higashisawa, Osaka University North American Center for Academic Initiatives, commented, “It’s been a pleasure and honor to be invited to Japan Day for several years. It’s wonderful to see that SPICE has provided a platform for high school students in Japan and the United States to exchange ideas and build relationships remotely. The presentations by the honorees of the RSP and Stanford e-Japan always amaze me and open my eyes to new perspectives. They are ready to go out into the world and make changes in our future!”

Funahashi hopes that her students will someday have the opportunity to study abroad at universities like Osaka University, and Brown and Kotani hope that their students will someday have the opportunity to study abroad at universities like Stanford in the United States.  

The Yanai Tadashi Foundation is the current supporter of Stanford e-Japan, and Daisuke Kato represented the Yanai Tadashi Foundation during the ceremony. SPICE is grateful to Tadashi Yanai for his generous support and to Daisuke Kato and Chikano Shiroma of the Yanai Tadashi Foundation for their regular correspondence and encouragement. Naoaki and Yuka Mashita are the current supporters of the Reischauer Scholars Program, and SPICE is thankful to them for their generous support. These courses and the ceremony would not have been possible without them.

The Reischauer Scholars Program’s next application period will begin September 6, 2021. Stanford e-Japan’s next application period will begin mid-November 2021.

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Congratulations to the 2020 Stanford e-Japan and 2021 RSP honorees.

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At first, I almost didn’t apply to the Reischauer Scholars Program (RSP). As someone with primarily Eastern European heritage, I doubted that I had a unique perspective to add to a coalition of students dedicated to learning more about Japan’s rich culture, economics, history, and society. In my mind, my personal experience couldn’t have been further from the course’s content. However, as a recent graduate of the RSP, my experience has completely shattered my previous misconceptions. Stanford’s RSP isn’t just an online program that gives students a comprehensive, in-depth view of Japan—it brings together a community of academically and socially diverse individuals from across the United States, along with their manifold perspectives, to build future leaders in the U.S.–Japan relationship. 

My experience has completely shattered my previous misconceptions.

My path to the RSP began in Model United Nations (MUN) and my tenth-grade world history class that encouraged me to delve deeper into the political and ideological theories that govern and shape our society. Japan was a major focus for multiple of my MUN conferences, where I descended into multiple Wikipedia rabbit-holes on a wide range of topics, from Japan’s stance on sustainable development to socio-political effects on Japanese gender equality quotas. Furthermore, throughout my dual enrollment in a MicroMasters program in international jurisprudence and a course on East Asian culture and law, I learned more about the intricacies of Japan’s Eurocentric depiction in the geo-political sphere. In the international law resources I was exposed to, Japan was often portrayed as “lawless,” while the Western legal system was presented as the “key” to maintaining a proper rule of law in East Asia. Through the latter course which focused on the intersection between Japanese culture and law, Japanese law was accurately shown as an extension of the rich Japanese culture I had learned about in my history classes; in this regard, each cultural facet needed to be taken into account with the legal theory of the state. Since then, I’ve been hooked on understanding the role of implicit motives in shaping international policy and cultural precedent in jurisprudence. At the RSP, I have been able to pursue my passions alongside like-minded peers.

At the RSP, I have been able to pursue my passions alongside like-minded peers. 

From the first week of the RSP, the diversity of students was evident. Each of my fellow peers offered their own outlook on topics ranging from “Religions in Japan” to “The Power of Popular Culture.” Across online forums and virtual classrooms, complex concepts were thoroughly discussed through witty back-and-forth banter, new ideas were buttressed by comprehensive research, and interconnected themes were explored via collaboration. The RSP’s inclusive and dynamic environment was one of my favorite aspects of the program. Weekly Zoom meetings with our instructor, Ms. Naomi Funahashi, and my peers allowed me to grasp unfamiliar concepts and take a deep dive into the things I didn’t previously know through active engagement. Moreover, at each virtual classroom, we had the opportunity to meet government officials, business leaders, and scholars at the forefront of U.S.–Japan relations. Each speaker’s ideas will forever retain importance to my understanding of the Japanese American experience, which remains equally relevant in the modern day.

The RSP’s commitment to educating the future leaders of the U.S.–Japan relationship is shown in its culmination. Near the final months of the 20-week RSP, students are given the opportunity to explore a topic of their choosing related to Japan or the U.S.–Japan dynamic. In my final paper, titled “The Rite of Rights: An Examination of Socio-Cultural Precedent in Japanese Law,” I coalesced my RSP education with my interest in international and Japanese jurisprudence. Even after its conclusion, the RSP continues the discussion on U.S.–Japan relations for the years to come by compiling and sharing all the research papers written within that year’s program. 

Ultimately, I am grateful to the Reischauer Scholars Program for creating a mosaic of different experiences and cultures by bringing together my peers. Throughout my involvement in the RSP, I have strengthened my belief in the cross-cultural intersections that bind us all together. It is through these bonds, along with empathy and compassion, that the RSP helps students weave themselves into the U.S.–Japan international tapestry, shaping the world. 


The next session of the Reischauer Scholars Program will run from February to June 2022. The application will open September 6, 2021.

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On March 18, 2021, the California Department of Education adopted the Ethnic Studies Model Curriculum. Chapter 3 of the Model Curriculum includes a section on “Native American Studies.” During a June 18, 2021 webinar, three Native and Indigenous scholars reflected on some of the key themes noted in the section and commented on the state of ethnic studies in their regions. The educators were:

  • Dr. Harold Begay, Superintendent of Schools, Navajo Nation
  • Dr. Sachi Edwards, Faculty Member, Soka University in Tokyo, Japan
  • Dr. Ronda Māpuana Fuji Shizuko Hayashi-Simpliciano, Vice Principal, Ke Kula Kaiapuni ʻo Ānuenue, Honolulu, Hawaiʻi
     

Kasumi Yamashita served as the moderator of the panel. The webinar was divided into three sections: (1) personal stories about the scholars’ Native and Indigenous identities and cultural backgrounds; (2) understandings of ethnic studies in the continental United States, Hawaiʻi, and Japan; and (3) insights and take-aways for K–12 educators to create more diverse, equitable, and inclusive learning environments for students.

In section one, the scholars commented on various factors that contributed to the formation of their identities. These factors ranged from being raised biculturally in the Navajo Nation bound by his traditional Dine’ (Navajo) culture and mainstream Western education in the United States (Begay); to ancestral ties to Ainu Moshir or Moshiri (“Land of the Ainu,” northern region of Honshu, Hokkaido, Kuril Islands, Sakhalin, and southern Kamchatka Peninsula) as well as Hawaiʻi (Hayashi-Simpliciano); and to being a fourth-generation settler in Hawaiʻi with ancestral ties to Japan, but not learning of her Ainu heritage until adulthood (Edwards).

In section two, the scholars placed importance upon epistemology when considering the field of ethnic studies and teaching in general. Begay also emphasized ontology in the Dine’ philosophy, which has shaped his teaching. Hayashi-Simpliciano underscored the importance of teacher education and professional development in preparing educators to be welcoming of various cultural identities in their classrooms. Edwards noted that in Japan ethnic diversity is primarily viewed through the presence of people from other countries, with the assumption that Japanese are ethnically homogeneous, which has shaped the teaching of ethnic diversity in Japan.

In section three, the scholars provided numerous insights and take-aways for K–12 educators. Begay noted that in their teaching, Navajo Nation educators keep the four sacred mountains in mind. Hayashi-Simpliciano reflected that in her Hawaiian language immersion school, the educators are not “doing ethnic studies” but rather “doing heritage restoration.” Edwards argued that Indigenous studies—whether in Japan, Hawaiʻi, or the U.S. mainland—should not be taught just in ethnic studies or relegated to a specific subject; rather Indigenous studies should be interwoven with all subjects.

Educators may find the webinar recording to be useful in their classrooms and may want to use some of the questions and topics provided here.

Following the webinar, many teachers from across the United States commented that the topics that were shared are relevant not only to teachers in California but also to those in other states as well. Reflecting on the webinar, Dr. Kristyn Nicole Mahealani Hara, Outreach & Academic Coordinator at Stanford Global Studies, stated, “I found the speakers very engaging and learned a lot from their inspiring insights on the linkages between their lived experiences, Indigenous ontologies and epistemologies, and ways of foregrounding diversity, equity, and inclusion in educational practice. I especially appreciated their wisdom on ways of honoring the cultural heritage of students so that classrooms—and, by extension, schools—can be safe spaces for self-expression, healing, and learning, and the importance of integrating Indigenous knowledge across diverse fields of study.” SPICE encourages educators to review the resources recommended below.

This webinar was a joint collaboration between the National Consortium for Teaching about Asia (NCTA), the Center for East Asian Studies, and SPICE.
 


—Additional Resources—
The following resources were recommended by the scholars.

Ethnic Studies Model Curriculum [website]
Native land acknowledgments and why they matter [article]
Appropriation of Marginalized Knowledge and Practice as Innovation [article by Dr. Sachi Edwards]

Navajo Nation
Harold Begay [bio]
Arizona State University Indigenous Land Acknowledgment [video]
When Geniuses Fail: Na-Dene’ (Navajo) Conception of Giftedness in the Eyes of the Holy Deities [book chapter by Harold Begay and C.J. Maker]

Native Hawaiian
Land Acknowledgement [website]
Hawaiian Culture, History, and Language Resources [website]
Indigenous Studies in the Elementary Curriculum: A Cautionary Hawaiian Example [article]

Ainu in Diaspora
Japanese American Memorial Pilgrimages: Ainu in Diaspora [videos including talks by Dr. Hayashi-Simpliciano and Dr. Edwards]
Charanke and Hip Hop [dissertation by Dr. Ronda Māpuana Shizuko Hayashi-Simpliciano]
The Ainu and Their Culture: A Critical Twenty-First Century Assessment [book]
The Fabric of Indigeneity: Ainu Identity, Gender, and Settler Colonialism in Japan [book]

Ainu (Japan)
The Centre for Environmental and Minority Policy Studies (CEMiPoS) [website]
Our Land Was a Forest: An Ainu Memoir [book]
Future in MINE: Ainu My Voice [video]

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SPICE Instructor Kasumi Yamashita speaks with Native and Indigenous educators
Screenshot: SPICE Instructor Kasumi Yamashita speaks with Native and Indigenous educators
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This article recaps a June 18, 2021 webinar that featured three Native and Indigenous scholars and includes recommendations for using the webinar recording in classrooms.

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This interview was first published by the Stanford News Service.


The 2020 Summer Olympics have begun this week but public support among the Japanese public for the games has been generally low and their mood can be articulated through the succinct question: “Why are we doing this now?” says Stanford sociologist and Japan Program Director Kiyoteru Tsutsui.

 
Here, Tsutsui discusses how the various challenges posed by the COVID-19 pandemic and other national scandals related to the games have led to a general dissatisfaction among the Japanese public towards their government and the International Olympic Committee. Despite low morale, the country’s mood may change once the Summer Games commence – barring any further complications or disruptions. But given that the games are pared down this year, it still may be hard to generate the same levels of excitement as in previous years, Tsutsui said.
 
Tsutsui is the Henri H. and Tomoye Takahashi Professor and director of the Japan Program at the Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center, which is part of the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies. Tsutsui is also a professor of sociology and his research focuses on social movements, globalization, human rights and Japanese society. He is the author of Rights Make Might: Global Human Rights and Minority Social Movements in Japan (Oxford University Press, 2018).
 

Polls among the Japanese public show mixed support for the games and meanwhile, major advertisers in the country are pulling out. As a sociologist, how do you see this mixed public sentiment affecting overall mood and morale?

There is no question that there is a strong headwind against the Olympics in the lead-up to the opening ceremony. Opinion polls are still against the games, although the numbers improved a little in recent weeks. The general public sentiment can be summed up as “Why are we doing this now?”

The road to the Tokyo Olympics has been a long and winding one complicated by COVID-19, first and foremost, and various scandals. The Japanese public has been fed up with the COVID-19-related emergency declarations and other restrictions as well as the slower pace of vaccination compared to other developed countries. The perception, right or wrong, is that the government is making decisions based on whether they help in hosting the Olympics successfully, when the focus should be on public health and economic rescue in the COVID environment.

Morale is low, but many are hoping that things will change quickly once the games begin. Whether that happens or not depends on a whole host of factors, most importantly whether major public health incidents and other unfortunate accidents happen or not, how Japanese athletes fare, who might emerge as global stars, and so on.

To what extent has the International Olympic Committee (IOC) helped or hindered support for the games among the Japanese public?

The Japanese public sees the IOC as simply pushing its economic interest without the proper regard for their safety and health. Many people do not understand that the Japanese government does not have the authority to cancel the Olympics and could have faced a lawsuit with a huge compensation at stake if it tried to do so. The IOC looks like the IMF/World Bank during the Asian economic crisis in affected countries or the EU in some European countries – an international entity that pushes its agenda without accountability to the citizens. The frustration has nowhere to go but to the Japanese government, which combined with overall COVID-19-related dissatisfaction, has led to the most recent polls showing the lowest approval rating for the government under Prime Minister Yoshihide Suga.

For Japan, hosting the 2020 Olympic Games initially symbolized the country’s rebound from the devastating Tōhoku earthquake, tsunami and Fukushima Daiichi nuclear accident in 2011 and was poised to boost their economy. Then COVID hit, and meanwhile, Olympic expenses ballooned. Are there any opportunities for the Olympic Games to help the country bounce back? 

The 2020 Olympics was initially framed as a symbol of recovery from the triple disaster in 2011, but that slogan is no longer central. The expenses were justified as a way to develop infrastructure for foreign visitors and increase inbound tourists, and the government’s goals for the number of visitors from abroad have been met already. With no spectators allowed, Japan will lose money on hosting the Olympics, but the economic damage is not irrecoverable. Once the world gets out of COVID-19, the Japanese economy will likely rebound and tourists will come back.

It will be interesting to follow how socially, in terms of the national psyche and its unity, Japan will respond to the Tokyo Olympics. Even when the games take place in other countries, the Olympics often serve as a moment of national unity, especially in Japan. With Japan being the host, many thought that it would serve as an enormous booster towards national confidence and unity. We have yet to see how the games will turn out, but these psychological impacts will likely be lessened as the games are scaled down and may not get as much global attention as typical Olympics do.

There’s still a chance for a better outcome though if the games go smoothly and offer many compelling moments. People in many countries are still more homebound than usual and the contents that the games offer could be attractive. And the Japanese public is known to swing from one side to the other very quickly and on a massive scale, so once the games begin, TV personalities who were questioning whether the games should happen will likely quickly turn around and support Japanese athletes and tout their accomplishments. That is, if no serious outbreak incidents occur.

The Olympics are often celebrated as a nonpolitical event that can unite the world. In a globally turbulent world, what do you make of that assessment? Can the Olympics be nonpolitical?

The Beijing Winter Olympics in 2022 is a case in point. Boycott of the games seems unlikely, but House Speaker Nancy Pelosi has already floated an idea of diplomatic boycott. There’s a lot at stake for the host country, and the Olympics will likely be politicized when countries like China, Russia or even the U.S. host it.

Another problem is that not many democracies would be eager to host the games anymore. Public support is needed for democracies to host the Olympics, but the growing cost of the games, combined with increasingly less clear benefits of hosting, has made it difficult to find democracies that are eager to be the host country. Meanwhile, non-democracies like China and Russia, and even smaller countries like Kazakhstan or Azerbaijan campaign to become host nations. The pattern of dictatorships hosting the Olympics and the world demanding a change in their human rights practices and, threatening a boycott, might be a recurring pattern in the coming decades.

 
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Kiyoteru Tsutsui

Senior Fellow at FSI, Professor of Sociology, Director of the Japan Program
Full Biography

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While public support in Japan has been lackluster for the 2020 Tokyo Olympic Games, the mood may change once the games start – provided no major public health incidents and other unfortunate accidents occur, says Stanford sociologist Kiyoteru Tsutsui.

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Does the new wave of digital technologies portend a future in which robots and automation increasingly replace workers and destroy livelihoods? In one of the first studies of service sector robots, APARC experts find evidence to offset dystopian predictions of robot job replacement.

The researchers — Asia Health Policy Program Director Karen Eggleston, SK Center Fellow Yong Suk Lee, and University of Tokyo health economist Toshiaki Iizuka, our former visiting scholar — set out to examine how robots affect labor, productivity, and quality of care in Japan’s nursing homes. Their findings indicate that robot adoption may not be detrimental to labor and may help address the challenges of rapidly aging societies.

Eggleston recently joined the Future Health podcast, an initiative of the New South Wales Ministry of Health, to discuss the study and its implications. The program is available both as a video and audio podcast. Watch and listen below:

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Published by the National Bureau of Economic Research, the study suggests that robot adoption has increased employment opportunities for non-regular care workers, helped mitigate the turnover problem that plagues nursing homes, and provided greater flexibility for workers. It is also published in AHPP's working paper series and is part of a broader research project by Eggleston, Lee, and Iizuka, that explores the impact of robots on nursing home care in Japan and the implications of robotic technologies adoption in aging societies.

The study has attracted media attention. The Financial Times Magazine, in a feature story and podcast, called it “groundbreaking in several ways but perhaps most clearly for setting its sights not on manufacturing but on the services sector, where robots are only just beginning to make their mark.” The Freakonomics Radio podcast also hosted Eggleston and Lee for a conversation about their research as part of an episode on collaborative robots and the future of work.

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On the Future Health podcast, Karen Eggleston discusses the findings and implications of her collaborative research into the effects of robot adoption on staffing in Japanese nursing homes.

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Arzan Tarapore
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This blog post was first published by the Australian Strategic Policy Institute's The Strategist analysis and commentary site.


The Quad is stronger than ever. The informal ‘minilateral’ grouping of Australia, India, Japan and the United States has in the past year held its first stand-alone ministerial meeting and its first leaders’ summit, and launched an ambitious project to deliver Covid-19 vaccines. This ‘golden age’ of the Quad is a product of newfound Indian enthusiasm for the grouping, in turn, spurred by the military crisis in Ladakh, where India faces ongoing Chinese troop incursions across the two countries’ disputed border.

But the Quad is not bulletproof. Some experts have suggested that the economic and diplomatic effects of the devastating second wave of the pandemic in India will preoccupy the Indian government, sapping the Quad of capacity for any new initiatives. Others counter that India remains committed to competition with China—which is what really matters for the Quad—although its partners always expected ‘two steps forward, one step back’ from India.


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Related: On the Conversation Six podcast, Tarapore discusses the policy paper on which this blog post is based with Jawaharlal Nehru University Professor of International Politics Rajesh Rajagopalan. Listen:


The pandemic may well prove to be a hiccup in the Quad’s evolution, but a potentially much larger disruption may come from the ongoing Ladakh crisis itself. As I argue in a new ASPI Strategic Insights paper, the crisis has greatly increased the risk of a border war between India and China, which would present a defining test of the Quad. A possible war could either strengthen or enervate the Quad—depending on how India and its partners, including Australia, act now to shape the strategic environment.

Risk is a function of likelihood and consequence. The likelihood of war on the India–China border is still low—both countries would prefer to avoid it—but has risen since the crisis began. Both countries have greatly expanded their military deployments on the border and backed them with new permanent infrastructure to resupply and reinforce them. China has proved its revisionist intent with large and costly military incursions, although its specific objectives and plans remain unknown. And the interaction of both countries’ military strategies and doctrines would, on the threshold of conflict, promote escalation.

The consequences of a possible conflict would be dire for both belligerents and for the region. China — assuming it is the provocateur of conflict—would likely face some political rebuke from states that consider themselves its competitors, but it will work strenuously to reduce those costs, and would likely have priced them in to its calculations of whether to fight. India will suffer high tactical costs on the border, and may also suffer wider harm if China uses coercive cyberattacks against strategic or dual-use targets.

In a costly war, the repercussions may spill over to damage India’s recently developing strategic partnerships, especially with the United States and Australia. Despite generally favorable views of the US, the Indian strategic elite still harbors some latent suspicions. This was highlighted in two episodes in April 2021, when the US Navy conducted a freedom of navigation patrol through the Indian exclusive economic zone, and when the US was slow in delivering Covid-19 vaccine raw materials and other relief. Both instances quickly receded from the Indian public imagination—thanks to quick correctives from Washington—but they did reveal that, under some conditions, Indian perceptions of its new partnerships can be quickly colored by distrust.

A China–India border war may create exactly those conditions. There is a chance that conflict may result in a redoubled Indian commitment to the Quad, if New Delhi judges that it has no option but to seek more external assistance. Conversely, unless a conflict is managed well by India and its partners, it is more likely to result in Indian disaffection with the Quad. India deepened Quad cooperation during the Ladakh crisis partly as a deterrent signal to China, and partly because the Quad is still full of promise. However, after a conflict—when China hasn’t been deterred and has probably imposed significant costs on India—the Quad’s utility would have been tested, and probably not ameliorated India’s wartime disadvantage.

The task before Quad governments is to be sensitized to this risk and implement mitigation strategies before a possible conflict, to buttress the coalition in advance. As I outline in the ASPI paper, they could do this at three levels. First, they could offer operational support—such as intelligence or resupply of key equipment, as the US already has done in the Ladakh crisis—although Quad partners’ role here would be limited. Second, they could provide support in other theatres or domains—with a naval show of force, for example, although cyber operations would probably be more meaningful in deterring conflict or dampening its costs. Third, they could provide political and diplomatic support — signaling to Beijing that a conflict would harm its regional political standing.

For Quad members, the main goal would be to deter conflict in the first place, and, failing that, to preserve the long-term strategic partnership with India for the sake of maintaining as powerful and energetic a coalition as possible to counterbalance China in the long term.

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The Ladakh crisis between China and India seems to have settled into a stalemate, but its trajectory could again turn suddenly. If it flares into a limited conventional war, one of its incidental victims could be the Quad.

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A quote from Arzan Tarapore's policy brief on the implications of the China-India border tension for the Quad and a cover of the paper in the Australian Strategic Policy Institute

The Ladakh crisis between China and India seems to have settled into a stalemate, marked by somewhat reduced tactical tensions and continuing fruitless talks on disengagement—but its trajectory could again turn suddenly, even flaring into a limited conventional war. Despite a limited disengagement, both sides continue to make military preparations near the Line of Actual Control (LAC) to increase their readiness for potential conflict. While China proved its revisionist intent with its 2020 incursions, its specific goals and plans remain opaque. The broader political context is marked by distrust and hostility, and bilateral relations are at their lowest ebb in decades. War remains unlikely—both sides can ill-afford the distraction from higher national priorities and have demonstrated a recent keenness to step back from the brink. But, with growing capabilities and unclear intent, and with military operations no longer impaired by winter, the Ladakh crisis may still escalate to conflict.

The crisis has been full of surprises. Despite observing major military maneuvers in China, India didn’t anticipate the multiple incursions across the LAC in May 2020. For weeks thereafter, the Indian Army leadership insisted the incursions were nothing out of the ordinary. After both sides agreed to an early disengagement plan, the crisis took a shocking turn with a deadly skirmish in June — the first loss of life on the LAC in 45 years. India also mustered its own surprises, deploying troops to occupy tactically valuable heights in late August, to gain some bargaining leverage. And the crisis also abated with a surprise, with the sudden announcement of disengagement from heavily militarised stand-off sites around Pangong Tso Lake in February 2021.

Future surprises may yet occur. This paper argues that the risk of China–India conflict is significant because, even if its likelihood is low, its consequences may be considerable. A limited conventional war would be likely to impose significant costs on India, but, depending on the reactions of its partners, it may also reinforce latent Indian suspicions over the utility and reliability of its strategic partnerships. In that way, even a localized limited war on the LAC may have far-reaching implications, if it incidentally drives a wedge between India and its partners in the Quad. Mitigating that risk will require sound policy settings and astute diplomatic and public messaging from Canberra, Washington, Tokyo, and other like-minded capitals.

The remainder of this paper is in three parts: first, why a border war is plausible; second, what costs it would impose on India and how it might stir distrust of India’s Quad partners; and, finally, a framework to mitigate those risks.

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Webinar recording: https://youtu.be/ShtOUZ67F-s

 

Webinar Description:

From amazing athletic feats to beautiful pageantry, the Olympics command the world’s attention like no other event. Students and families alike are sure to watch at least some of this summer’s games from Tokyo. But how might we, as teachers, use the Olympics to introduce topics from East Asian history? In this webinar, Ethan Segal explores the many meanings of the Olympics for China, Japan, and South Korea, from displaying recovery to promoting democracy. Join us for an interesting, engaging session that will provide useful background content, help you rethink some old assumptions, and highlight some connections for teachers to use in bringing the Olympics into your classroom.

Register at https://bit.ly/3gU7SC5.

This webinar is a joint collaboration between SPICE, the National Consortium for Teaching about Asia (NCTA), and Stanford's Center for East Asian Studies.

 

Featured Speaker:

Professor Ethan Segal

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Professor Ethan Segal

Ethan Segal is Associate Professor of History at Michigan State University. He earned his Ph.D. at Stanford University, was a Fulbright Scholar at the University of Tokyo, and taught as a visiting professor at Harvard. Professor Segal’s research topics include economic and social history, nationalism, women and gender, and contemporary popular culture. He is the author of Coins, Trade, and the State: Economic Growth in Early Medieval Japan as well as numerous articles, reviews, and videos in scholarly journals and online. Professor Segal has won multiple teaching awards and is a regular contributor to NCTA and other outreach workshops and seminars.

 

Via Zoom Webinar. Registration Link: https://bit.ly/3gU7SC5.

Professor Ethan Segal Associate Professor of History, Michigan State University
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