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The election of a new American president is an event of great importance to the entire world, not just the United States. From Japan to Afghanistan, the United States plays a crucial role in the security, political, and economic affairs of the region. America's 44th president will face many challenges once in office including rebuilding trust in America, reviving the American economy without protectionism, and how to combat terrorism. Ultimately, the United States must effectively utilize and support multilateral institutions to uphold international law and foster the common interests such as international justice. Future relations with Northeast, Southeast, and South Asia depend on how these efforts unfold. 

Levinthal Hall

The Honorable Karl F. Inderfurth Former Assistant Secretary of State for South Asian Affairs and U.S. Representative for Special Political Affairs to the United Nations Speaker
The Honorable Teresita Schaffer Former U.S. Ambassador to Sri Lanka and Former Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for South Asian Affairs Speaker
The Honorable Theodore L. Eliot, Jr. Former U.S. Ambassador to Afghanistan and Former Executive Secretary and Inspector General of the State Department Speaker
Seminars
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This is a CDDRL's seminar within our Democracy in Taiwan Program.

Vincent Wei-cheng Wang is Chair and Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of Richmond. He was a former Coordinator of the American Political Science Association Conference Group on Taiwan Studies and a board member of the American Association for Chinese Studies. He has published over fifty scholarly articles and book chapters on Asian politics and international relations, Taiwan’s domestic politics and external relations, United States-Asian relations, and comparative political economy of East Asia and Latin America. His most recent publication is “Taiwan: Conventional Deterrence, Soft Power, and the Nuclear Option,” in Muthiah Alagappa, ed., The Long Shadow: Nuclear Weapons and Security in 21st Century Asia (Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press, 2008). He received his Ph.D. from the University of Chicago.

Philippines Conference Room

Vincent Wei-cheng Wang Chair and Associate Professor Speaker Department of Political Science at University of Richmond
Seminars
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Shorenstein APARC director Gi-Wook Shin offered his analysis of the possible scenarios for succession of power in North Korea in an interview with the New York Times. Shin told The Times that he thought the Kim dynasty would continue to play a role, even if symbolic in the structure, of power in North Korea. "My guess is like this: they will keep the Kim family as a social and political institution like the emperor system in Japan, offering symbolic and moral power for North Koreans, but are likely to establish a collective leadership system in which the military will play a key role. We may, then, witness some political instability in the North."
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Kim argues anti-Americanism belongs to a category of political opposition which may be divided into orthodox dissent and unorthodox dissent: the former involving "efforts to improve the existing system in keeping with its underlying ideological values," while the latter is mainly concerned with the change in political and socioeconomic structures.

In the South Korean context, orthodox dissent is the conservative-rightist whereas unorthodox dissent the progressive-leftist. While sometimes criticizing the U.S. on selected issues, the conservative-rightist accounts cooperation with the U.S. crucial for keeping North Korea from provoking military actions against the South. On the other hand, the progressive-leftist regards the North Korean regime a partner to live together and unification with the North most valuable, transcending ideologies and systems. The progressive-leftist naturally regards "dependence" on the U.S. being against its national autonomy, and in the extreme, the U.S. an obstacle to its unification with the North.

This talk brings its focus on anti-Americanism derived from the progressive-leftist or unorthodox dissenting argument, and its influence on the ROK-U.S relations.

Hakjoon Kim is a visiting scholar at Center for East Asian Studies at Stanford and is the Chairman of Dong-a Il Bo, South Korean newspaper.  He was the President of Korea Political Science Association and Korean Federation of Teachers' Associations.  Kim was Scholar at the Alexander-von-Humboldt Foundation in Germany, and Guest Scholar at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington, D.C.

Philippines Conference Room

Hakjoon Kim Visiting Scholar, CEAS Speaker
Seminars

Shorenstein APARC
Stanford University
Encina Hall E301
Stanford, CA 94305-6055

(650) 725-2703 (650) 723-6530
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Pantech Fellow, 2008-09
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Donald W. Keyser retired from the U.S. Department of State in September 2004 after a 32-year career.  He had been a member of the Senior Foreign Service since 1990, and held Washington-based ambassadorial-level assignments 1998-2004.  Throughout his career he focused on U.S. policy toward East Asia, particularly China, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Japan and the Korean Peninsula. Fluent in Chinese and professionally conversant in Japanese, Russian and French, he served three tours at the American Embassy in Beijing, two tours at the American Embassy in Tokyo, and almost a dozen years in relevant domestic assignments.  In the course of his career, Keyser logged extensive domestic and foreign experience in senior management operations, conflict resolution, intelligence operations and analysis, and law enforcement programs and operations.  A Russian language major in college and a Soviet/Russian area studies specialist through M.A. work, Keyser served 1998-99 as Special Negotiator and Ambassador for Regional Conflicts in the Former USSR.   He sought to develop policy initiatives and strategies to resolve three principal conflicts, leading the U.S. delegation in negotiations with four national leaders and three separatist leaders in the Caucasus region.

Keyser earned his B.A. degree, Summa Cum Laude, with a dual major in Political Science and Russian Area Studies, from the University of Maryland.  He pursued graduate studies at The George Washington University, Washington, D.C., from 1965-67 (Russian area and language focus) and 1970-72 (Chinese area and language focus).   He attended the National War College, Fort McNair, Washington (1988-89), earning a certificate equivalent to an M.S., Military Science; and the National Defense University Capstone Program (summer 1995) for flag-rank military officers and civilians.

Shorenstein APARC
Stanford University
Encina Hall E301
Stanford, CA 94305-6055

(650) 723-6530
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Visiting Scholar, 2008-09
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Dr. Jong Seok Lee was the Minister of Unification, and the Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National Security Council in Korea. He is currently a Senior Fellow at Sejong Institute in Korea. He has published books on North Korea-China relations, contemporary North Korea, and Korea unification.

Shorenstein APARC
Stanford University
Encina Hall E301
Stanford, CA 94305-6055

(650) 724-5648 (650) 723-6530
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POSCO NGO Fellow, 2008-09
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Hey-jeong Kim joined Korea Federation for Environment Movement in 1989 and worked for 18 years in establing the grass root environmental NGO in South Korea. She became the Secretary General of the organization, and has been working as a committee member of the Ministry of Environment in Korea.

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Pyongyang suspends its dismantling plans. Is North Korea hoping to push the Bush administration into reconsidering its verification policies or "playing for time in hopes of winning a better deal from" the next administration? Shorenstein APARC's associate director for research, Daniel C. Sneider, suggests they could be doing both.
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Shorenstein APARC
Stanford University
Encina Hall E301
Stanford, CA 94305-6055

(650) 736-0685 (650) 723-6530
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Visiting Scholar, 2008-09
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Gug-Hyeon Cho is the director of Public Relations at Northeast Asian History Foundation, and a member of the Presidential Committee on Northeast Cooperation Initiative in Korea.

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During the eighteen months after January 2007, cereal prices doubled, setting off a world food crisis. In the United States, rising food prices have been a pocketbook annoyance. Most Americans can opt to buy lower-priced sources of calories and proteins and eat out less frequently. But for nearly half of the world’s population—the 2.5 billion people who live on less than $2 per day—rising costs mean fewer meals, smaller portions, stunted children, and higher infant mortality rates. The price explosion has produced, in short, a crisis of food security, defined by the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) as the physical and economic access to the food necessary for a healthy and productive life. And it has meant a sharp setback to decades-long efforts to reduce poverty in poor countries.

The current situation is quite unlike the food crises of 1966 and 1973. It is not the result of a significant drop in food supply caused by bad weather, pests, or policy changes in the former Soviet Union. Rather, it is fundamentally a demand-driven story of “success.” Rising incomes, especially in China, India, Indonesia, and Brazil, have increased demand for diversified diets that include more meat and vegetable oils. Against this background of growing income and demand, increased global consumption of biofuels and the American and European quest for energy self-sufficiency have added further strains to the agricultural system. At the same time, neglected investments in productivity-improving agricultural technology—along with a weak U.S. dollar, excessive speculation, and misguided government policies in both developed and developing countries—have exacerbated the situation. Climate change also looms ominously over the entire global food system.

In short, an array of agricultural, economic, and political connections among commodities and across nations are now working together to the detriment of the world’s food-insecure people...

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Boston Review
Authors
Rosamond L. Naylor
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