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This past summer, I had the opportunity to live and work in the center of Berlin with the International Security and Development Center (ISDC).  My research focus for the past several years has been at the intersection of food insecurity and civil conflict.  I want to understand which country characteristics leave states vulnerable to civil conflict when food insecurity exists.  In the months leading up to summer, I decided to locate a researcher I have cited repeatedly in my work, Tilman Brück.  I learned that he founded a research institute in Berlin whose vision is to improve lives and livelihoods shaped by conflict and humanitarian emergencies. That vision perfectly aligns with my own research goals and career interests.  I emailed the ISDC and asked to spend the summer with them, and just a few months later, there I was, in a European cultural epicenter, Berlin. 

Not only did I enjoy a beautiful summer steeped in history in Berlin, but I also honed my research skills.  I learned how to conduct collaborative research and present it effectively.  I got to work closely with and under the supervision of the Welfare Program Director, Ghassan Baliki, on a food security project.  The project focused on households in conflict settings.  Ghassan Baliki and I worked on strategies to evaluate the data empirically.  By the end of the internship, I produced substantive research that I presented at an ISDC seminar.

Not only did I enjoy a beautiful summer steeped in history in Berlin, but I also honed my research skills. I learned how to conduct collaborative research and present it effectively.
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Sarah in front of a mirror in a Berlin museum

A food-secure population is a necessary step in achieving sustainable peace.  My long-term goal is to shape food security literature and policy.  My next step towards this goal is to study for a Ph.D. and examine the effects of food insecurity on human populations, factoring in the consequences of climate change on food production.  The growing intensity of severe weather, floods, and droughts that destroy crop yields and cause the death of livestock undermine food security imperatives.  The research and presentation skills I learned at the ISDC will benefit me as I work toward my Ph.D.

ISDC Office Address

Beyond enhancing my research skills, I connected with leaders in the food insecurity field and observed how organizations function.  For example, our team had lunch with and engaged in a seminar discussion with Mike Robson, the Food and Agriculture Organization of the UN’s representative in Syria. I also built out my network of colleagues working towards a peaceful world.  I connected with people engaged in similar research across the globe - Tunisia, Lebanon, Germany, the United Kingdom, and Georgia.  Each colleague is dedicated to improving the lives of people who exist in the most difficult of circumstances throughout the world.  It was incredible to have the opportunity to work with people who are conscious and intensely committed to food security and peace.

I also learned about the difficulties of running an organization that focuses on making an impact.  While the research is essential, funding is crucial.  Stakeholders must make the necessary investments, which requires background research and discussions with partners and potential funders.  I gained insights into the complexities at the decision-making level in any organization.  It takes a team of specialists to run the various functions.  Research needs to be produced to address the needs in the world effectively; however, the research also has to be published and disseminated to policymakers and the public through appropriate channels and social media.  Given the variety of stakeholders that are essential for success when research outcomes are the final product, a network of relevant connections and strong partnerships are prerequisites.

I also learned about the difficulties of running an organization that focuses on making an impact. While the research is essential, funding is crucial.
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I am fortunate to have spent the summer learning and contributing at the ISDC and being integrated into such a beautiful city.  I am so grateful to have had the opportunity to do so.  It would not have been possible without the support of the MIP program at Stanford and the ISDC.  So, I want to thank both communities for being such fantastic partners in my development.  I also want to thank the entire ISDC community for making me feel like a part of the team.  From the picnic with the fun games and delicious foods to the all-hands-on-deck, paper-in-a-day project, you exemplify how great a work community can be and fill me with hope for a kinder and more just globe.

The Ford Dorsey Master's in International Policy Class of 2024 at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies.

Meet the MIP Class of 2024

The 2024 Class has arrived at Stanford eager to tackle policy challenges ranging from food security to cryptocurrency privacy.
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In the ISDC office. From left to right: Neil Ferguson–Director of Peacebuilding; Tilman Brück–Founder and Director; Sophie Zschäbitz–Head of Administration; Sarah Brakebill-Hacke–Research Intern; Ghassan Baliki–Director of Welfare; Theodora Benesch–Peacebuilding Junior Researcher, Jonathan Garcia Fuentes–Doctoral Researcher ZeroHungerLab; Wolfgang Stojetz–Director of Behavior.
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During the summer at the International Security and Development Center (ISDC), Sarah Brakebill-Hacke (Master's in International Policy '24) delved deeper into examining the relationship between food insecurity and civil conflicts and connected with renowned leaders in the food security domain from around the globe.

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A day after the end of spring quarter, I hopped on a flight to leave behind beautiful Bay Area weather, destined for the hot, humid wetlands we call our nation’s capital. I was to spend 12 weeks working at the Technology Lab of the Federal Reserve Board of Governors (the Fed), the central bank of the United States. 

My first day was rather routine. I arrived a bit early and a bit overdressed. My supervisor, Bunmi, gave me my work laptop, a first-day tour, and my onboarding checklist. I was being paid to introduce myself repeatedly and fill out forms—quite an easy gig. But this is the nation’s central bank; they are going to get their money’s worth out of me. So, I was sitting in my office after lunch setting up my Federal Reserve gym membership when Bunmi walked in and asked me to come with her, Jill, the TechLab manager, and Jeff, a senior analyst, to a TechLab panel for the Federal Reserve System’s Innovation Office. Of course, let’s go. 

We got to the System Innovation Office’s onsite, and I was doing the introductions routine once again. I met Sunayna, a Stanford alum and, probably more importantly, the Chief System Innovation Officer, who introduced us to her team. After another round of introductions, I headed to the side to sit in the audience. Jill saw this and asked me to join the team on the panel. Why not? Well, I can think of a few reasons. Anyway, three hours into my first day, I was sitting on a panel in front of the entire Federal Reserve System Innovation Office explaining how I think machine learning can be applied to financial supervision and where I see the TechLab in five years. 

That first day set the pace for the next 11 weeks and four days.

I was to spend 12 weeks working at the Technology Lab of the Federal Reserve Board of Governors (the Fed), the central bank of the United States.

But first, a quick detour to some American history for context.

The Federal Reserve Board of Governors

The Federal Reserve System is the central bank of the United States. It was created by the Federal Reserve Act of 1913 after a series of financial crises led to the desire for stable monetary policy. The System is similar to our broader federalist system of governance, with power distributed among multiple layers. The Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System—where I worked—is a federal government agency led by seven president-nominated and Senate-confirmed governors. Under the Board, 12 Federal Reserve Banks serve as the operational arms of the System. Each Reserve Bank is an independent private corporation, but all work closely with the Board to execute their policies. To promote the effective operation of the U.S. economy, the Federal Reserve is afforded autonomy and independence from the more political branches of government. While the Fed certainly coordinates and receives guidance from the executive, legislative, and judicial branches, it is generally empowered to make independent monetary and regulatory policies.

Fast forward 110 years. The Federal Reserve’s mission has expanded since its inception and now covers (1) setting monetary policy, (2) ensuring financial stability, (3) supervision and regulation of banks, (4) fostering a safe payments ecosystem, and (5) consumer protection. As part of this mission, the Federal Reserve has a large group of economists who produce research to inform policymakers as they steer the world’s largest economy. However, the economy and the financial system that supports it are being transformed by technological advancement. And while the Fed has a breadth and depth of economics expertise, it does not have the same technical expertise. So, to ensure that the governors receive informed, impartial technical research before making decisions, the Fed has set up multiple teams to focus on emerging technology. Three years ago, the Board created the Technology Lab to conduct research and experimentation with emerging technologies relevant to the financial system.

The Technology Lab changes its research agenda every year. It began by researching distributed ledger technology, central bank digital currencies, and has a new set of projects this year. The core team is five members strong, with over a dozen rotators from across the System who join the TechLab to lend their subject matter expertise on a specific project. 

I was assigned to work on two projects, and while I cannot discuss the specifics of my work, it comprised 60% writing and 40% software development and data analysis. Because the TechLab is relatively small and new, I effectively worked as a core team analyst leading sub-parts of the two projects. Hopefully, in the coming months, the Fed will publish the work, and I will be able to share more then. Beyond the core research and experimentation work, I also helped moderate the TechLab’s weekly series, where we invited subject matter experts from academia, the private sector, and the government.

Other highlights during my time at the Fed included representing the Board of Governors at a nationwide Federal Reserve System showcase in front of 250 people. I also got to sit next to Chairman Jerome Powell, ask him questions at an intern event, and meet now-Vice Chair Philip Jefferson at another event.

Working at the Fed this summer was an absolute pleasure and incredibly fulfilling—it made me genuinely excited about public service.
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The summer also included several highlights outside the workplace. I celebrated the Fourth of July at the White House. I attended a piano and violin concert at the French Embassy. I went on an exclusive Fed-only tour of the dollar printing facility of the Bureau of Engraving and Printing. I got to see the dollar printing machines up close, smudge a few in-production hundred-dollar bills, and hold 40 pounds of cash in one hand.

Working at the Fed this summer was an absolute pleasure and incredibly fulfilling—it made me genuinely excited about public service. I want to thank Amber, Bunmi, Cy, Jeff, Jill, Jochen, Laila, Lucas, Megan, and Monique from the TechLab team. I also want to thank Karley and Laura from the Talent Acquisition team, who guided me through the recruitment process and supported me throughout the internship. And lastly, I want to thank Sonja, Sunayna, and Susan at the officer level, who met with me to chat about the Fed, financial innovation, and career options. There are many more people who I cannot list here because of a word count limit, but I appreciate all of you. It was a genuinely wonderful summer.

The Ford Dorsey Master's in International Policy Class of 2024 at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies.

Meet the MIP Class of 2024

The 2024 Class has arrived at Stanford eager to tackle policy challenges ranging from food security to cryptocurrency privacy.
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During the summer at the Federal Reserve, Hamzah Daud (Master's in International Policy '24) furthered his understanding of the interplay between technology and central banking, contributing to cutting edge researches that evaluate the application of emerging technologies in the everyday financial system.

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Kumi Naidoo is a prominent South African human rights and environmental justice activist. At the age of fifteen, he organized school boycotts against the apartheid educational system in South Africa. His courageous actions made him a target for the Security Police, leading to his exile in the United Kingdom, where he remained until 1990. Upon his return to South Africa, Kumi played a pivotal role in the legalization of the African National Congress in his home province of KwaZulu Natal.

Kumi also served as the official spokesperson for the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC), responsible for overseeing the country's first democratic elections in April 1994. His dedication to democracy and justice led to notable international roles, including being the first person from the global South to lead Greenpeace International as Executive Director from 2009 to 2016. He later served as the Secretary General of Amnesty International from 2018 to 2020.

In the realm of education, Kumi has shared his expertise, lecturing at Fossil Free University and holding a Richard von Weizsäcker Fellowship at the Robert Bosch Academy until early 2022.

Currently, Kumi serves as a Senior Advisor for the Community Arts Network (CAN). He holds the position of Distinguished visiting lecturer at Stanford University’s Center for Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law, and is a Professor of Practice at the Thunderbird School of Global Management at Arizona State University. Additionally, he continues to represent global interests as a Global Ambassador for Africans Rising for Justice, Peace, and Dignity. He also holds positions as a Visiting Fellow at Oxford University and an Honorary Fellow at Magdalen College.

In a testament to his family's commitment to positive change, they have established the Riky Rick Foundation for the Promotion of Artivism, honoring the legacy of their son and brother, the now late South African rapper Rikhado “Riky Rick” Makhado through a commitment to supporting artivism and mental health in South Africa.

Kumi has authored and co-authored numerous books, the most recent being Letters To My Mother (2022), a personal and professional memoir that won the HSS 2023 non-fiction award by the National Institute Humanities and Social Sciences.

Payne Distinguished Lecturer, 2023-25
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A year ago, as I left the historic surroundings of Pennsylvania Avenue in Washington, D.C. to join the Ford Dorsey Master's in International Policy (MIP) at Stanford, one of my many objectives was to diversify my professional toolkit and improve my leadership skills. I have come to understand that the nature of many challenges today, particularly in the field of technology amid growing rates of global interconnection, innovation, and digitalization, requires much richer, diverse, and coordinated approaches. The leaders of today must strive to find fortitude in diversity and cooperation. 

In pursuing this objective, over the summer I interned for the Security and Intelligence Team at Duco Experts, a technology start-up headquartered in San Francisco. After five years of public service work, this represented a unique opportunity to learn the intricacies of entrepreneurship from the inside. 

Led by its inspiring CEO, Sidney Olinyk, and an elite team of young professionals, Duco works across the topics of artificial intelligence (AI), trust and safety, cybersecurity, elections, and geopolitical risk. Through its innovative advisory services, Duco supports a considerable pool of Fortune 100 companies, including some of the largest U.S. technology companies. 

The breadth of activities I carried out during my internship gave me exposure to the intersection of security and technology policy, as well as a deeper understanding of the complex decisions faced by corporate executives at major U.S. technology companies. 

I interned for the Security and Intelligence Team at Duco Experts, a technology start-up headquartered in San Francisco. After five years of public service work, this represented a unique opportunity to learn the intricacies of entrepreneurship from the inside.

In retrospect, there are three main lessons I learned during my time at Duco:

Finding Fortitude in Diversity and Cooperation

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Report cover page: Scaling Trust on the Web

One of the first experiences I had at Duco was supporting an event with different allies and stakeholders from the technology community in San Francisco and D.C. to showcase the launch of the report, Scaling Trust on the Web. Duco Experts contributed to the Atlantic Council's Digital Forensic Research Lab (DFRLab) Task Force for a Trustworthy Future Web and this event allowed me to interact with experts in the field of Trust and Safety, connect with former MIP students now working in industry, and experience first-hand how coordinated and collaborative approaches can result in innovative solutions to issues as complex as the ones faced in the cyber domain. 

The report summarizes the task force's recommendations for specific, actionable interventions that could catalyze safer, more trustworthy online spaces. And most importantly, the report reinvigorates the rationale of cooperation in cyberspace, as it highlights, for example, the role of academia, media, and civil society to help build better online spaces. I am convinced that these recommendations will have a long-lasting effect and will serve as a guide for many actors globally. 

Mapping Technological Risk Worldwide

In my role supporting the Manager for Security and Intelligence at Duco, I had the opportunity to conduct research and produce alerts relevant to major U.S. technology companies. I analyzed the implications for such companies of China's revised Counter Espionage Law, mapped the data and privacy risks posed by fake web browser extensions and the shortcomings of automatic vetting processes, detailed the risks of internet censorship and restrictions in Russia, and investigated how marketing scammers target children online. Furthermore, I gained valuable insights into timely debates in the field of generative AI technologies and challenges faced by content moderation teams when tackling CSAM online. 

During my time on the Security and Intelligence Team, I had the opportunity to work in their cybersecurity portfolio, understand the logic of business development and vertical markets, and support the delivery of high quality projects for clients, a novel experience for me. The last project I supported allowed me to widen my knowledge of cybersecurity research centers worldwide and interact with consultants, academics, and former industry experts to address clients' needs. 

Thinking Like a CEO

One of the biggest lessons I learned during my internship, a mantra I will carry with me wherever I go, came from Duco's CEO herself, Sidney Olinyk, who constantly reminded us during team meetings to: "be adaptable, be comfortable with rejection, and always think like a CEO."

My time at Duco Experts showed me the importance of flexibility and adaptability, particularly when attempting to tackle challenges related to emerging technologies. From generative AI to developments in quantum computing, the ever-evolving innovation landscape requires professionals who can lead with flexibility, humanity, and who are not afraid to redirect efforts when necessary. 

As I seek to make my way into the field of technology policy and I continue my efforts to bring unrepresented voices to the forefront of technology-related debates across the Americas, my summer experience at Duco Experts has equipped me with a valuable understanding of the start-up ecosystem in San Francisco, as well as some of the most pressing areas of opportunity in the field of cybersecurity and emerging technologies. 

From generative AI to developments in quantum computing, the ever-evolving innovation landscape requires professionals who can lead with flexibility, humanity, and who are not afraid to redirect efforts when necessary.

My sincere gratitude to Sidney Olinyk, Neema Basri, Lauren LaBrique, Sofia Arimany and all the members of the Duco Experts team for sharing their knowledge and for leading with such humane and passionate effectiveness. 

The Ford Dorsey Master's in International Policy Class of 2024 at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies.

Meet the MIP Class of 2024

The 2024 Class has arrived at Stanford eager to tackle policy challenges ranging from food security to cryptocurrency privacy.
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Interning at Duco Experts, Raúl Ruiz-Solís (Master's in International Policy '24) gained an understanding of the start-up ecosystem in San Francisco, as well as some of the most pressing areas of opportunity in the field of cybersecurity and emerging technologies.

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APARC Predoctoral Fellow, 2023-2024, Fall 2024
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Marie Wako joined the Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center (APARC) as the 2023-2024 APARC Predoctoral Fellow, as well as for the 2024 fall quarter. She is a JSD (Ph.D. equivalent) candidate at Stanford Law School. She holds an LL.M. from Stanford Law School and a J.D. and LL.B. from the University of Tokyo. Her research interests include empirical analysis of human rights, law and gender, international trade law, and international public law.
 
Marie’s current research project focuses on the impact of female judges in Japanese criminal cases. Concerned about the persistently low gender equality in Japan, Marie seeks to understand how the presence of female judges can potentially challenge the male-dominated judiciary and influence sentencing outcomes.
 
The research utilizes a rare situation in Japan where criminal cases are randomly assigned to a group of judges, which enables us to study the pure causal impact of female judges on the judicial panel. The study conducts statistical analyses on a dataset of approximately 620 cases of criminal cases. Preliminary results indicate on average a statistically significant increase of 7.8 percentage points in sentencing severity for sexual offenses per one female judge, while no significant difference is observed for non-sexual offenses. Since the three judges in the panel must come to a unanimous conclusion in deciding the sentencing, this gap implies that, for better or for worse, these female judges are influencing the views of the male judges in the same judicial panel.
 
As an APARC pre-doctoral fellow, Marie aimed to advancing her research by conducting further qualitative analysis and conducting a comprehensive content analysis of published judgments to delve deeper into the reasons behind heavier sentencing in sexual offenses when a female judge is involved. Her study seeks to contribute to the broader interdisciplinary conversation surrounding equitable representation of women in deliberative forums.
 
Before commencing her studies at Stanford, Marie gained practical experience as a qualified lawyer, aiding private companies and government agencies on various aspects of international trade law, including export control and economic sanctions, treaty negotiation, and international public law matters. In addition to her research on gender in the judiciary, Marie is concurrently developing a project examining the influence of labor provisions in trade agreements and their potential to improve working conditions in exporting industries across different countries.
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View a Japanese version of this announcement.


The Japanese public supports women’s advancement in society, finds the Stanford Japan Barometer, a survey platform launched by the Japan Program at Stanford University’s Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center (APARC). This result is somewhat surprising, considering Japan’s poor showing in global gender equality rankings.

Led by Professor of Sociology Kiyoteru Tsutsui, the Henri H. and Tomoye Takahashi Professor and director of the Japan Program at APARC, and Charles Crabtree, an assistant professor in the Department of Government at Dartmouth College and a former visiting assistant professor with the Japan Program, the Stanford Japan Barometer (SJB) is a periodic public opinion survey on political, economic, and social issues concerning contemporary Japan with three main parts: (1) questions about respondents’ demographic background; (2) a stable set of questions about support for policy issues, political parties, public institutions, and international entities; and (3) a thematically focused set of questions and experimental studies on topics of great relevance at the time of the survey. The survey is conducted with a national, quota-based sample of 8,000 Japanese residents.

In the first installation of the survey, conducted in late November 2022, the SJB examined issues concerning gender and sexuality in Japan. It found, among other results, that most Japanese are in favor of recognizing same-sex unions and support a legal change to allow married couples to keep separate surnames. The SJB also examined questions related to women’s advancement in Japanese society, the focus of the following report.

One prominent gender equality issue that often recurs in Japanese public discourse is women’s under-representation in prominent positions, especially in politics and business. According to the latest Global Gender Gap Report released by the World Economic Forum, Japan ranks 116th out of 146 countries in terms of gender equality. Japan fares well in the categories of Education and Health, but in Politics and Economy, it ranks 139th and 121st respectively. In another ranking on women’s role and influence in the workforce, the Glass-Ceiling Index compiled by The Economist, Japan ranks second-worst among the 29 developed countries surveyed. Japan barely avoided the lowest ranking (a dubious distinction taken by South Korea), but indeed ranks lowest in terms of the proportion of women in national parliaments (single or Lower House) among OECD countries, with only 10% of Lower House members being female.

To better understand this striking gender disparity, Tsutsui and Crabtree had respondents complete conjoint experiments that examined what types of candidates the Japanese public is more likely to support for a Diet seat and an external corporate board member. The results show, perhaps surprisingly, that Japanese people prefer women for these positions (52% to 48% for the Diet and 51% to 49% for corporate board). Women support female candidates more than men, but men also prefer female candidates over male ones, averaging across all other candidate characteristics such as education and occupational background. These differences are fairly stable across different ages, educational and family backgrounds, and political party support. Contrary to what gender representation in politics and corporate leadership would indicate, the SJB results suggest that there is robust support for women’s representation in those powerful positions across different spectrums of the Japanese public.

Tsutsui and Crabtree also asked a series of questions about views on gender roles and women’s advancement in Japanese society. Respondents were particularly supportive of more men taking parental leave and helping with childcare, registering 6.3 on a scale of 0-10 (5 being neutral and a number larger than 5 indicating support for the statement). They were not supportive of the statements about traditional gender roles, such as “Men should work outside the home and women should stay home” (3.8), or “Boys should be raised to be manly and girls should be raised to be womanly” (4.3). Interestingly, for all these questions, there is a statistically significant difference between male and female respondents, with men showing greater support for traditional gender roles, although the general trend is a shift away from traditional gender roles even among men.

On questions concerning women’s advancement in Japanese society, the Japanese public demonstrated strong support for the argument that more efforts should be made to increase the number of female politicians (5.8), executives (5.9), and board members (5.8). There is no substantial difference between men and women for these questions, indicating that the support for women’s advancement in politics and business is broadly shared across genders.

When it comes to using a quota to ensure women’s seats in the national Diet, management positions, and board rooms, the opinions are divided across the gender line, with women being significantly more supportive (5.1, 5.2, 5.2) than men (4.8, 4.7, 4.7). This likely indicates that men are threatened by the idea of quota as it would reduce the likelihood of their advancement toward these powerful positions.

Men’s resistance to quotas notwithstanding, overall, the Japanese public supports women’s advancement in society, perhaps recognizing the need for Japan to change in light of the embarrassing showing in global rankings of women’s empowerment. These results suggest that the slow pace of change in women’s advancement in Japan might be attributable to the behavior of gatekeepers, who are mostly older men who come from different socioeconomic backgrounds than the SJB’s average survey respondent, rather than to a lack of public support.


For media inquiries about the survey, please reach out to:
Noa Ronkin
APARC Associate Director for Communications and External Relations
noa.ronkin@stanford.edu

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Most Japanese Support Same-Sex Marriage, New Public Opinion Survey Finds

The initial set of results of the Stanford Japan Barometer, a new periodic public opinion survey co-developed by Stanford sociologist Kiyoteru Tsutsui and Dartmouth College political scientist Charles Crabtree, indicate that most Japanese are in favor of recognizing same-sex unions and reveal how framing can influence the public attitude toward LGBTQ communities.
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Stanford sociologist Kiyoteru Tsutsui discusses Japan on the "Endgame" podcast
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Video Interview: Kiyoteru Tsutsui Discusses Japan’s Economic Diplomacy in Southeast Asia

Kiyoteru Tsutsui, the Henri H. and Tomoye Takahashi Professor and Senior Fellow in Japanese Studies at Shorenstein APARC, joined Visiting Scholar Gita Wirjawan, host of “Endgame,” a video podcast, to discuss a range of topics, including his work on human rights, the demographic problem in Japan, global democratic decline, and Japan’s approach to Southeast Asia as a projector of soft power.
Video Interview: Kiyoteru Tsutsui Discusses Japan’s Economic Diplomacy in Southeast Asia
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Contrary to current levels of women’s under-representation in leadership positions in Japan, the Stanford Japan Barometer, a new periodic public opinion survey co-developed by Stanford sociologist Kiyoteru Tsutsui and Dartmouth College political scientist Charles Crabtree, finds that the Japanese public favors women for national legislature and corporate board member positions.

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What effect do gender quotas have on political responsiveness? We examine the effect of randomly imposed electoral quotas for women in Mumbai’s city council, using a wide variety of objective and subjective measures of constituency-level public service quality. Quotas are associated with differences in the distribution of legislator effort, with quota members focusing on public goods distribution, while non-quota members focus on individual goods, member perks, and identity issues. These differences in effort seem to influence institutional performance: perceived quality of local public goods is higher in constituencies with quota members, and citizen complaints are processed faster in areas with more quota members. We suggest that men’s more extensive engagement with extralegal and rhetorical forms of political action has led to men and women cultivating different styles of political representation.

AWARDS


Best Paper in Urban or Regional Politics, APSA 2021

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What effect do gender quotas have on political responsiveness?

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Varun Karekurve-Ramachandra

Shorenstein APARC
Stanford University
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Stanford,  CA  94305-6055

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Visiting Scholar at APARC, 2022-23
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Dr. Ankhbayar Begz joined the Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center (APARC) as visiting scholar for the fall and winter quarter of the 2022-2023 academic year. Dr. Begz currently serves as researcher at Mongolian University of Science and Technology's Open Education Center. While at APARC, he conducted research regarding democracy, women’s political participation, higher education, and gender equality issues in Mongolia and Asia.

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Beth Duff-Brown
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The Supreme Court ruling eliminating the constitutional right to an abortion could also result in women’s personal reproductive health data being used against them, warns Stanford Health Policy’s Michelle Mello.

The Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization ruling could, for example, lead to a woman’s health data in clinician emails, electronic medical records, and online period-tracking platforms being used to incriminate her or her health-care providers, Mello said.

“Ultimately, broader information privacy laws are needed to fully protect patients and clinicians and facilities providing abortion services,” writes Mello, a professor of health policy and law in this JAMA Health Forum article with colleague Kayte Spector-Bagdady, a bioethicist from the University of Michigan. “As states splinter on abortion rights after the Dobbs Supreme Court decision, the stakes for providing robust federal protection for reproductive health information have never been higher.”

Eight states banned abortions on the same day the Dobbs ruling came down, and 13 states that had “trigger bans” that, if Roe v. Wade were struck down, would automatically prohibit abortion within 30 days. Other states are considering reactivating pre-Roe abortion bans and legislators in some states intend to introduce new legislation to curb or ban the medical procedure.”

Three Potential Scenarios

The authors note these new abortion restrictions may clash with privacy protections for health information, laying out three scenarios that could impact millions of women. And, they note, “despite popular misconceptions about the breadth of the Privacy Rule of the Health Information Portability and Accountability Act (HIPAA) and other information privacy laws, current federal law provides little protection against these scenarios.”

The first scenario is that a patient’s private health information may be sought in connection with a law-enforcement proceeding or civil lawsuit for obtaining an illegal abortion. HIPAA privacy regulations and Fourth Amendment rights against unreasonable searches and seizures won’t help physicians and hospitals resist such investigative demands, the authors write. And though physician-patient communications are ordinarily considered privileged information, the scope of that privilege varies greatly from state to state. “In many cases medical record information has been successfully used to substantiate a criminal charge,” the authors write.

Ultimately, broader information privacy laws are needed to fully protect patients and clinicians and facilities providing abortion services.
Michelle Mello
Professor of Health Policy, Law

The second privacy concern is the potential use of health-care facility records to incriminate an institution or its clinicians for providing abortion services. Relevant records could include electronic health records, employee emails or paging information and mandatory reports to state agencies. Clinicians may not realize that if they are using an institutional email address or server, their institution likely has direct access to information and communications stored there, which can be used to search for violations. State Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) laws also allow citizens to request public records from employees of government hospitals and clinics.

“Additionally, state mandatory reporting laws for child abuse might be interpreted to cover abortions — particularly if life is defined as beginning at fertilization,” the authors note.

The third scenario is that information generated from a woman’s online activity could be used to show she sought an abortion or helped someone to do so. Many women use websites and apps that are not HIPAA-regulated or protected by patient-physician privilege, such as period-tracking apps used by millions of women that collect information on the timing of menstruation and sexual activity.

“There are many instances of internet service providers sharing user data with law enforcement, and prosecutors obtaining and using cellphone data in criminal prosecutions,” write Mello and Spector-Bagdady, adding commercially collected data are also frequently sold to or shared with third parties.

“Thus, pregnant persons may unwittingly create incriminating documentation that has scant legal protection and is useful for enforcing abortion restrictions,” they said.

The immediate problem, Mello notes, is in the states that have already banned abortion or passed restrictive laws.

“There could be a problem with states trying to reach outside their borders to prosecute people, but that could well be unconstitutional,” Mello said.

Some states’ laws sweep abortion pills into the definition of illegal abortions, she said, and there are legal obstacles to supplying the pills across state lines.

“There is a lot of energy going into figuring out a workaround right now, but it’s too soon to call,” Mello said.

Recommended Protections

So how can clinicians and health-care facilities protect their patients and themselves?

When counseling patients of childbearing age about reproductive health issues, clinicians should caution their patients about putting too much medical data online and refer them to expert organizations that will help them minimize their digital footprint.

When documenting reproductive health encounters, the authors said, clinicians should ask themselves: “What information needs to be in the medical record to assure safe, good-quality care, buttress our claim for reimbursement, or comply with clear legal directives?” For example, does information about why a patient may have experienced a miscarriage need to be recorded?

Patients and clinicians should be aware that email and texting may be seen by others, so conversations among staff about reproductive health issues may best be conducted by phone or in person.

Finally, if abortion-related patient information is sought by state law enforcement officials, a facility’s attorney should be consulted about asserting physician-patient privilege and determining whether the disclosure is mandated by law.

Michelle Mello

Michelle Mello

Professor of Health Policy, Law
Focuses on issues at the intersection of law, ethics and health policy.
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Michelle Mello writes that the overturning of Roe v. Wade — ending federal protection over a woman's right to an abortion — could also expose her personal health data in court.

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Gi-Wook Shin
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This essay originally appeared in Korean on June 16 in Sindonga (New East Asia), Korea’s oldest monthly magazine (established 1931), as the third in a monthly column, "Shin’s Reflections on Korea." Translated by Raymond Ha. A PDF version of this essay is also available to download.


“What is it that Korean entertainment has brought? It’s the greatest example of providing something to the market that doesn’t exist, and it’s what I call ‘female gaze’ entertainment.”

On May 19, the Korea Program at Stanford University hosted a conference to celebrate its 20th anniversary. During a panel discussion on the “Korean Wave” (Hallyu), Angela Killoren, the CEO of CJ ENM America, asserted that Korean content garnered global popularity because it satisfied the interests of female consumers. “Hollywood . . . is very male gaze driven,” she noted, while Korean music and dramas “rekindle a sense of romance” and tend to be told from a female perspective. Women are marginalized in patriarchal cultures, and young women in particular have responded enthusiastically to content that resonates with them.

The next day, South Korea’s newly elected President Yoon Suk-Yeol held his first summit meeting with President Joe Biden in Seoul. At the joint press conference following the summit, a reporter with the Washington Post asked President Yoon about the lack of women among his Cabinet nominees. This was a piercing question for President Yoon, who is already seen as an “anti-feminist” by foreign observers.[1] His discomfort at the question was palpable. Of 19 Cabinet nominees, including the prime minister, he had nominated only three women. Among his vice ministers and vice-ministerial appointees, only two out of 41 were women.

Why Diversity Matters

There was widespread public criticism about the overrepresentation of a specific group of individuals among Yoon’s appointees: men in their 50s and 60s who had graduated from Seoul National University.[2] In response, the administration stated that it had selected the most qualified and experienced individual for each position. The Democratic Party of Korea, the leading opposition party, criticized Yoon’s Cabinet appointments for being imbalanced in terms of policy preferences, alma maters, and regional backgrounds. The opposition Justice Party similarly rebuked the skew toward men from Gyeongsang Province in their 60s.[3]

The “female gaze” that propelled the Korean Wave was not the outcome of a strict meritocracy, and it did not arise from efforts to achieve balanced representation. It resulted from looking beyond the horizon of male-centered viewpoints to value female perspectives.
Gi-Wook Shin

Interestingly enough, both sides interpret this as a question of representation. Those who emphasize meritocracy argue that allocating seats to account for the representation of minorities makes it difficult to achieve results. On the other side, those who criticize the lack of diversity support a balanced composition in terms of gender and regional background, among other considerations. Such focus on “balance” and “representation” limits the discussion. Let us return to Killoren’s explanation for the astonishing global success of the Korean Wave. The “female gaze” that propelled the Korean Wave was not the outcome of a strict meritocracy, and it did not arise from efforts to achieve balanced representation. It resulted from looking beyond the horizon of male-centered viewpoints to value female perspectives.

A diverse group of individuals brings a diversity of opinions to the table. The true strength of diversity, however, is that it encourages people to think outside the box. When people encounter and evaluate different viewpoints and alternatives, this fosters creative, original thinking that drives innovation. Organizations and institutions can thus enhance their overall performance by building a diverse workforce.

South Korea is a patriarchal, “super-networked” society that emphasizes ethnic homogeneity and purity. High value is placed on common alma maters, shared regional backgrounds, and family ties. There is a dire need to enhance appreciation for the value of diversity.
Gi-Wook Shin

Ensuring the equitable representation of minorities and protecting their rights is, of course, a fundamental democratic value and a vital policy objective. Nevertheless, it is now time to approach the issue of diversity not only in terms of balanced representation, but also as a question of effectiveness and innovation. It is especially important to ensure diversity within entities like the Cabinet, which requires a high level of intellectual capacity and judgment.

South Korea is a patriarchal, “super-networked” society that emphasizes ethnic homogeneity and purity. High value is placed on common alma maters, shared regional backgrounds, and family ties. There is a dire need to enhance appreciation for the value of diversity. The era of industrialization called for a homogeneous workforce capable of producing uniform, standardized products. In this context, diversity could hamper efficiency. The new era of the Fourth Industrial Revolution, built on creativity and innovation, will increasingly require a rather heterogeneous workforce. Diversity should be recognized as an essential virtue that underlies innovation and success. The future belongs to societies and organizations that understand the true value of diversity.

From Representation to Innovation

In the United States, diversity is one of the most important considerations not only in companies’ hiring decisions, but also when colleges and universities hire professors or admit students. Pursuing diversity was once regarded as a means of empowering minority groups by ensuring that they had access and representation. However, it is now commonly understood that an organization’s capabilities and achievements cannot be maximized without diversity. There are many ways to achieve diversity. A range of factors is considered, including race and ethnicity, age, gender, personal background, and past experiences. It is believed that an organization can overcome groupthink and dismantle a rigid internal culture only if it is composed of diverse individuals. Put differently, innovation and success depend on diversity. Schools, companies, and government entities all have a department that is responsible for improving diversity, and there are many organizations that now have a chief diversity officer (CDO) in addition to a CEO and CFO.

This is a relatively recent phenomenon in American history. As a nation of immigrants, the United States initially pursued assimilation. It only recognized English as the official language. This began to change in the 1960s with the civil rights movement and the emergence of feminism. There were calls to protect and empower minorities and vulnerable groups, and these efforts were also institutionalized. Affirmative action is perhaps the most prominent legacy of this era.

In 1961, President John F. Kennedy signed Executive Order 10925, introducing affirmative action for federal contractors. Affirmative action sought to proactively counter discrimination by providing preferential treatment to minorities that were disadvantaged on the basis of “race, creed, color or national origin.”[4] There was an initial emphasis on addressing racial discrimination, but this later expanded to countering discrimination on the basis of sex or disability. In essence, this is similar to practices that are well known in Korea: creating quotas for individuals of particular backgrounds and giving extra points in hiring evaluations or admissions decisions. These practices were most commonly used by companies and universities.

Affirmative action has always been controversial in the United States, with opponents calling for its repeal. Some argue that it fails to solve the problem by creating reverse discrimination, while others claim that it generates new forms of discrimination. The former is raised primarily among white men, while the latter is voiced by Asian Americans. It was charged that high school students who worked hard to achieve high scores were disadvantaged in university admissions because schools applied racial quotas. Although the Supreme Court ruled the use of racial quotas in university admissions to be unconstitutional in the Bakke decision (1978), critics allege that prominent universities still maintain tacit quotas for African and Hispanic American applicants. This fall, the Supreme Court is expected to hear arguments in a case brought mainly by Asian American individuals against Harvard University and the University of North Carolina for the use of “race-conscious” admissions programs.[5]

California, where I have lived for many years, is among the most progressive states in the United States. In 1996, however, it became the first state to vote against affirmative action in a statewide referendum when it passed Proposition 209. I was an assistant professor at UCLA at the time, and I vividly remember many heated discussions and debates about this topic among professors, students, local residents, and civil society organizations.

The controversy surrounding affirmative action in California has persisted. Proposition 16, which sought to repeal Proposition 209, was defeated by a wide margin in November 2020. Even in the United States, there is a fraught conversation about pursuing diversity as a means of achieving equitable minority representation. On the other hand, there is a growing recognition that diversity is essential for organizations to innovate and succeed.

Diversity = Innovation

When I write a course syllabus, I include two components in addition to lecture topics, assignments, and grading policies. First, I pledge to observe the Honor Code, which has a long tradition at Stanford. Under the Honor Code, faculty members do not proctor exams. Second, I vow to “respect diversity.” As a professor, I pledge “my intent that students from all diverse backgrounds, perspectives, and situations be well served by this course,” and I affirm that “the diversity that students bring to this class be viewed as a resource, strength and benefit.” I emphasize diversity as an essential element that enhances students’ learning experience. Accordingly, I “present materials and activities that are respectful of diversity,” which includes “gender, sexuality, disability, age, socioeconomic status, ethnicity, race, religion, political affiliation, culture, and so on.” Faculty members are encouraged to include such language on diversity in their syllabi, although it is not a requirement. Nevertheless, this practice is becoming increasingly widespread among faculty members.

Major U.S. companies such as Google and Microsoft have appointed chief diversity officers (CDOs) and strive to attract employees of diverse races, socioeconomic backgrounds, and gender identities. Diversity tends to be based on inherent components (e.g., sex and race), but it can also be expanded through acquired components, such as studying abroad and gaining other life experiences. These companies seek various ways to improve diversity. They believe that diversity enhances productivity and allows the company to better respond to changes in the external environment. Melonie Parker, Google’s CDO, describes her mission as making “Google more reflective of the world around us.”[6] There is a firm conviction that creativity and innovation arise when individuals with diverse backgrounds and experiences exchange new ideas and perspectives.

In diverse teams, individuals are able to consider and evaluate alternatives and novel points of view. If an organization consists only of people with similar educational backgrounds who think in similar ways, it is unlikely that innovative or unique ideas will ever emerge.
Gi-Wook Shin

“Diversity = Innovation” is not just an article of faith. In the United States, researchers have accumulated a considerable amount of empirical evidence in support of this maxim across a variety of disciplines. Scott E. Page, a professor of complex systems at the University of Michigan, describes in great detail in The Difference (2007) how diversity leads to innovation. According to Page, having a diverse team enables cognitive diversity, which is critical to problem solving. When faced with difficult tasks, cognitive diversity allows the team to perform more capably than the sum of its parts.

In “How Diversity Makes Us Smarter,” Katherine Phillips, the late professor of business management at Columbia University, stresses that diversity makes teams more effective at completing tasks. In diverse teams, individuals are able to consider and evaluate alternatives and novel points of view.[7] If an organization consists only of people with similar educational backgrounds who think in similar ways, it is unlikely that innovative or unique ideas will ever emerge.

At Stanford’s Hasso Plattner Institute of Design, or “the d.school,” which is well known in Korea, diversity is understood as “radical collaboration.” Individuals with different perspectives and experiences collaborate in the classroom and when completing assignments. For instance, a computer science major will work together with a student majoring in the humanities. A prominent example of this way of thought is on display at Stanford’s Institute of Human-Centered Artificial Intelligence, where one co-director has a background in computer science, and the other in philosophy.

According to a 2007 survey by the Society for Human Resource Management, 91% of companies responded that “enhancing the ability of people from different backgrounds to work effectively together” was an “extremely important” outcome of effective diversity management.[8] Catalyst, widely known for its research on the role of women in the workplace, also reported that companies with more women in high-level management positions tend to have transparent management practices and become more profitable through the pursuit of creative business strategies. A 2018 analysis of 1,700 companies by the Boston Consulting Group found that companies with “above-average diversity on their management teams. . . reported innovation revenue that was 19 percentage points higher than that of companies with below-average leadership diversity.”[9]

It is none other than Silicon Valley, the global leader in technological innovation, that best illustrates the relationship between diversity and innovation.

Some in Korea may respond that the United States is unique in its status as a nation of immigrants. Israel offers an illustrative counterexample. Although it has a strong national identity like Korea, it has relied on a diverse talent pool to build a “creative economy.”

Technology as “a Manifestation of a Culture”

“An iPhone is not a product. It’s a manifestation of a culture.”[10] This statement about the iPhone also perfectly encapsulates the ethos of Silicon Valley as a whole. In April 2015, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe of Japan visited Stanford and hosted a discussion on technological innovation with the CEOs of major U.S. tech companies, including Apple, Google, Yahoo, Twitter, and Microsoft. I was also there and I noticed something fascinating about the discussion. While Prime Minister Abe focused on the technological aspects of innovation, the leaders of Silicon Valley all emphasized its cultural aspects. Without exception, they began from the premise that innovation was rooted in culture, not technology. At the core of that culture is cultural diversity.

It has already been over 20 years since I joined Stanford and became a resident of the Bay Area. Having grown up in Korea, where I was taught to be proud of the homogeneity and unity of the Korean people, what struck me most about living here is a way of thinking that places great value on cultural diversity. Simply put, Silicon Valley was not built only by white men. Talented individuals of diverse backgrounds came together, competing and cooperating in their endeavors as they created today’s technological landscape. Immigrants laid the foundations for many of the companies that were launched in Silicon Valley, including Intel, Yahoo, Tesla, Google, and Twitter. The cultural diversity that permeates this region can be felt not only through these companies, but also in its schools, shops, and restaurants.

When people of diverse backgrounds and experiences come together, they create original ideas and put forth new perspectives. In turn, this catalyzes technological innovation. This ethos is deeply ingrained in Silicon Valley’s business culture. One often hears that “Silicon Valley is 90% culture and 10% technology.” This is in exactly the same vein as the above quote about the iPhone as “a manifestation of a culture.”

Some in Korea may respond that the United States is unique in its status as a nation of immigrants. Israel offers an illustrative counterexample. Although it has a strong national identity like Korea, it has relied on a diverse talent pool to build a “creative economy.” It created an ecosystem to support entrepreneurship in the technology sector, thereby overcoming tremendous economic difficulties to become a “startup nation” that has attracted global attention. In this process, 850,000 immigrants who arrived after the collapse of the Soviet Union played an important role. Over 40% of these immigrants were professors, scientists, and engineers with ample research experience. Israel proactively incorporated these individuals into its economy and society. It is common to hear multiple languages spoken on the streets of Tel Aviv. The startup nation did not arise out of coincidence.

To be a “first mover” and not just a “fast follower,” having a heterogeneous workforce could prove to be consequential. Korea is the exact opposite. A social and corporate culture that values and enforces conformity surely cannot be a wellspring of creativity and innovation.
Gi-Wook Shin

In the era of industrialization, it was vital to have a workforce capable of making standardized products. Diversity could reduce efficiency. Ernest Gellner, a prominent scholar of nationalism, traced the origins of modern nationalism to the economic needs of industrialization. The mass production of standardized goods necessitated a homogeneous workforce, and the most effective way of creating such a workforce was to cultivate citizens who shared a common national identity. From this perspective, South Korea and Japan were able to achieve rapid economic development through industrialization because they were able to easily form a homogeneous workforce. A strong sense of ethnic homogeneity played a critical role in this process.

In the era of the Fourth Industrial Revolution, however, a country cannot become a leader if it has a homogeneous workforce. To be a “first mover” and not just a “fast follower,” having a heterogeneous workforce could prove to be consequential. Korea is the exact opposite. Everyone seeks to receive the same education and build the same résumé in a race to the same finish line. A social and corporate culture that values and enforces conformity surely cannot be a wellspring of creativity and innovation. Given such a culture, companies, organizations, and institutions will inevitably settle for drifting along, simply going through the motions. Korean society must find a new source of vitality. Enhancing diversity to stimulate innovation and change could be the answer.

Beyond Homogeneity and Assimilation

The most conspicuous examples in Korea of a lack of diversity, and the harmful consequences resulting from it, are the culture of Korean academia and the country’s policy toward immigrants.

According to a 2014 analysis, 84.1% of faculty at Seoul National University (SNU) consist of the school’s own alumni. The figures for Yonsei University and Korea University are 73.9% and 58.6%, respectively.[11] A report on hiring practices for full-time faculty members at SNU between 2012 and 2019 reveals that of 93 departments, 28 departments consist entirely of faculty who are SNU alumni. For another 40 departments, the proportion of SNU alumni exceeds 80%. Many Koreans assume that I received my PhD from Stanford, and they are genuinely surprised when I tell them otherwise. This applies to faculty at Stanford as a whole. There are only a handful of professors who have received their degrees on “The Farm.” When I applied for faculty positions, I followed prevailing norms in the United States by excluding the university that I had graduated from.

In this sense, the United States is the complete opposite of Korea. There is strong opposition to so-called academic inbreeding, and schools strictly limit the hiring of alumni. Unless there are special reasons to do so, alumni are typically not appointed as faculty members. If they are considered as candidates, alumni are subject to a more rigorous review during the hiring process. In most universities, the proportion of alumni among faculty does not exceed 20%. It is uncommon to see professors return to their alma mater. Those who do typically return after many years, having gained broad recognition in their field while teaching and researching at other schools. The kind of homogeneity and academic inbreeding that is common in Korea is unthinkable in the United States.

It is widely accepted in the United States that the harms of academic inbreeding far outweigh any potential benefits. There is even a study that finds that alumni have 15% lower research output than other faculty and are 40% less effective at communicating with their colleagues at other institutions.[12] There is now a critical discussion in Korea about the hiring of alumni as faculty, but it is unclear how much has changed in practice. It should be noted that many Korean academics obtain their PhD overseas before returning to their alma mater. Nevertheless, it is questionable just how much creative intellectual activity can take place in a department filled with fellow alumni. A friend who is not an alum of the school at which he teaches once told me that “if I attend, it’s a faculty meeting, and if I don’t, it’s an alumni gathering.”

Another example is the government’s policy of assimilation, which is carried out under the banner of “multiculturalism.” Starting in the 2000s, a significant number of migrant workers and female “marriage migrants” began to arrive from China, Southeast Asia, and South Asia as South Korea was faced with a plummeting birth rate, an aging population, and a shrinking labor force.[13] In response, the Roh Moo-Hyun administration (2003–08) adopted “multiculturalism” as a major policy initiative. It is remarkable that a country such as South Korea, which built its national identity on ethnic homogeneity, accepted the idea of multiculturalism. Unfortunately, however, the policy has been implemented in a way that departs from the true meaning of multiculturalism. Most government programs and policies are geared toward the assimilation of foreigners into Korean culture.

There are few, if any, efforts to improve the understanding of foreign cultures among Koreans. For instance, there are programs to teach the Korean language and Korean history to a marriage migrant from Vietnam. There are even classes that teach her how to make kimchi. On the contrary, insufficient attention is given to enabling her Korean husband and in-laws to understand and respect Vietnam’s history and culture.

Furthermore, Korea’s policy of multiculturalism predominantly focuses on marriage migrants and low-skilled migrant workers. There is a prevailing tendency to address migrants as a socially vulnerable group that needs to be protected. Migrants who receive “protection” and “benefits” from the government become part of an invisible hierarchy that places them below Korean citizens. This has become ingrained to an extent such that “multiculturalism” has become synonymous with “helping the poor” in the minds of many Koreans. Because such policies give rise to an implicit hierarchy between natives and migrants, they are often not well received by the migrant population. These policies can also instigate anti-migrant sentiment among the Korean public, which creates a conflict between Koreans and those belonging to multicultural families.

In a 2018 analysis, the Software Policy and Research Institute projected that Korea would face a deficit of 31,833 workers by 2022 in core sectors of the Fourth Industrial Revolution, including artificial intelligence, big data, cloud computing, and virtual/augmented reality.[14] This is why major Korean conglomerates, including Samsung Electronics and Hyundai Motors, are making a concerted effort to attract foreign talent. From the perspective of foreign workers, however, Korea is not necessarily an appealing destination, given a socioeconomic environment that is still not receptive to diversity. INSEAD ranked Korea 27th out of 134 countries in its 2021 Global Talent Competitiveness Index. In terms of “tolerance of immigrants,” Korea ranked 65th.[15] This is deeply disappointing for a country that now has the 10th largest economy in the world.

Without changes to the socioeconomic environment that immigrants face, it will be nearly impossible for Korea to attract foreign talent. The Ministry of Justice recently announced that it will create a new government agency to oversee immigration issues.[16] However, these institutional measures will not bear fruit until there are efforts to improve public awareness about the importance of ethnic and cultural diversity and how this diversity can spur innovation.

For Korea to take a leap forward, it must demolish the walls of its exclusionary super-networks [...] Diversity should be understood not just as a means to achieve balanced representation, but even more so as an essential ingredient of innovation and success.
Gi-Wook Shin

Demolishing Korea’s “Super-Network”

As I noted in Superficial Korea (2017), Korea is a “super-networked” society. According to one analysis, there are at most 3.6 degrees of separation among Koreans. In a country of over 50 million people, it is possible to connect any two individuals by crossing three or four mutual acquaintances. This is precisely what it means to be super-networked. It is no surprise that Koreans rely so heavily on shared regional backgrounds, alumni connections, and family ties. The denser the connections, the more exclusive and insular each of these groups becomes. Put differently, the barrier to entry becomes insurmountable. As the bonds in the in-group become ever stronger based on shared experiences, hostility toward the out-group intensifies. It is difficult to expect these groups to change. A form of exclusive, group-based behavior has thus emerged in an extremely competitive, super-networked society.

For Korea to take a leap forward, it must demolish the walls of its exclusionary super-networks. In its place, Korea must build a new home that opens its doors to talented individuals with diverse backgrounds, perspectives, and experiences. This requires Korea to look at diversity in a new way. Diversity should be understood not just as a means to achieve balanced representation, but even more so as an essential ingredient of innovation and success.

During the election campaign, President Yoon Suk-Yeol’s pledge to abolish the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family became a political football. Ongoing discussions about the role of this ministry should now move beyond the previous question of how to protect women. By enhancing gender diversity, the government could help transform Korean society by unleashing creativity and innovation. Debates and discussions about specific policies should focus on how to achieve this larger goal.

The Moon Jae-In administration failed to innovate because it relied on a super-network of former pro-democracy activists. President Yoon’s Cabinet appointments, which draw heavily from lawyers and former prosecutors, are raising concerns that this administration could repeat its predecessor’s mistakes by relying on a super-network of prosecutors. The Ministry of Justice; Ministry of Unification; Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, and Transport; and Ministry of the Interior and Safety are all led by lawyers who studied in the same university (Seoul National University) and department (Law) as the president. Moreover, the prime minister, presidential chief of staff, and minister of economy and finance (who also serves as the deputy prime minister for the economy) are all civil servants who built their careers in the Ministry of Finance.[17]

In response to criticisms about the lack of diversity among high-level appointments, the Presidential Office insisted that it chose the most qualified and experienced individuals. It may be that these individuals are indeed able to work effectively as a team and draw on their skills to quickly achieve significant results in government policy. However, will this be enough for Korea to innovate and forge a path to success in the rapidly changing environment of the Fourth Industrial Revolution? It would be wise to remember that embracing the female gaze enabled the success of the Korean Wave.

 


[1] For a more detailed discussion of this issue, see Gi-Wook Shin, “In Troubled Waters: South Korea’s Democracy in Crisis,” Shorenstein APARC, May 3, 2022. https://aparc.fsi.stanford.edu/news/troubled-waters-south-korea%E2%80%99s-democracy-crisis.
 

[2] A public research university established in 1946, Seoul National University is widely regarded as the most prestigious university in South Korea.
 

[3] Regional divides are a major fault line in South Korean politics. The rivalry between the Gyeongsang and Jeolla provinces is particularly salient.
 

[5] Adam Liptak and Anemona Hartocollis, “Supreme Court Will Hear Challenge to Affirmative Action at Harvard and U.N.C.,” New York Times, January 24, 2022. https://www.nytimes.com/2022/01/24/us/politics/supreme-court-affirmative-action-harvard-unc.html.
 

[6] See “Melonie Parker, Chief Diversity Officer,” https://www.blog.google/perspectives/melonie-parker/.
 

[7] Katherine W. Phillips, “How Diversity Makes Us Smarter,” Scientific American, October 1, 2014. https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/how-diversity-makes-us-smarter/.
 

[8] Society for Human Resource Management, 2007 State of Workplace Diversity Management, February 2008. https://www.shrm.org/about-shrm/news-about-shrm/documents/the%20state%20of%20diversity%20managment%20surevey%20report.pdf.
 

[9] Rocío Lorenzo et al., “How Diverse Leadership Teams Boost Innovation,” Boston Consulting Group, January 23, 2018, https://www.bcg.com/en-us/publications/2018/how-diverse-leadership-teams-boost-innovation.
 

[10] Jay Greene, “Steve Jobs and the business of design,” CNET, October 6, 2011, https://www.cnet.com/tech/tech-industry/steve-jobs-and-the-business-of-design/.
 

[11] Seoul National University, Korea University, and Yonsei University are commonly regarded as the three most prestigious universities in Korea. They are often referred to as the “SKY” universities, an acronym based on the first letter of each school.
 

[12] Hugo Horta, Francisco M. Veloso, and Rócio Grediaga, “Navel Gazing: Academic Inbreeding and Scientific Productivity,” Management Science, 56, no. 3 (March 2010): 414-29.
 

[13] These “marriage migrant” women typically went to rural areas of South Korea, which saw a gender imbalance as many women moved to cities to find employment.
 

[14] Lee Dong-Hyun, Huh Jeong, and Kim Jeong-Min, “Labor Market Forecast of Promising SW Areas,” SPRi, April 23, 2018, https://www.spri.kr/posts/view/22049?code=issue_reports.
 

[15] The Global Talent Competitiveness Index 2021: Talent Competitiveness in Times of COVID (Fontainebleau, France: INSEAD, 2021), https://www.insead.edu/sites/default/files/assets/dept/fr/gtci/GTCI-2021-Report.pdf.
 

[16] See, for example, Lee Sung-Eun, “Justice Minister Han Dong-hoon has big immigration ideas,” Korea JoongAng Daily, May 30, 2022, https://koreajoongangdaily.joins.com/2022/05/30/national/socialAffairs/korea-immigration-justice-ministry/20220530172957101.html.
 

[17] This is the former title for the Ministry of Economy and Finance. In Korea, this group of civil servants is referred to as the “mofia,” combining the English acronym (MOF) with “mafia.”

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A social and corporate culture that values and enforces conformity surely cannot be a wellspring of creativity and innovation. Korean society must find a new source of vitality. Enhancing diversity to stimulate innovation and change could be the answer.

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