Conceiving NATO as a democracy promoter: A Realist Foreign Policy Explanation
Abstract:
NATO since the end of the Cold War has emphasized democracy as political rationale both in rhetoric and in action, not only with regards to enlargement and partnership policies but also, increasingly, in its approach to out-of-area missions and state-building. While enlargement, and thus the ability to promote democratic change is consolidating in the Western Balkans, NATO faces considerable challenges to its political agenda both in Afghanistan and in its Eastern neighborhood. The interesting question is: what drives an organization like NATO (after all, a collective defense alliance) to assume such ‘soft’ security responsibilities in face of these challenges? NATO represents an interesting amalgam of interests and motivations that can possibly explain democratization as a political rationale and how it has come to vary over time. The seminar has both an empirical and a theoretical goal: to introduce NATO as a case contributing to existing studies on Western democracy promotion that tend to focus predominantly on either the U.S. or the E.U.; and to offer a realist foreign policy explanation to democracy promotion in contrast to the dominant liberalist or constructivist literature on the issue.
Speaker Bio:
Henrik Boesen Lindbo Larsen is a CDDRL visiting researcher 2011-12, while researching on his PhD project titled NATO Democracy Promotion: the Geopolitical Effects of Declining Hegemonic Power. He expects to obtain his PhD from the University of Southern Denmark and the Danish Institute for International Studies (DIIS) in 2013.
Henrik Larsen’s PhD project views democracy promotion as a policy resulting from power transitions as mediated through the predominant narratives of great powers. It distinguishes between two main types of democracy promotion, the ability to attract (enlargement, partnerships) and the ability to impose (out-of-area missions, state-building). NATO’s external policies are increasingly pursued with a lower intensity and/or with a stronger geographical demarcation.
Prior to his PhD studies, Henrik Larsen held temporary positions for the UNHCR in the Eastern Democratic Republic of the Congoand with the Ministry for Foreign Affairs of Denmark working with Russia & the Eastern neighborhood. He holds an MSc in political science from the University of Aarhus complemented with studies at the University of Montreal, Sciences Po Paris and the University of Geneva. He has been a research intern at École Militaire in Paris and he is member of the Danish roster for election observation missions for the OSCE and the EU.
Daniel and Nancy Okimoto Conference Room
Henrik Larsen
Encina Hall
616 Serra Street
Stanford, CA 94305-6055
Henrik Boesen Lindbo Larsen is a CDDRL visiting researcher 2011-12, while researching on his PhD project titled NATO Democracy Promotion: the Geopolitical Effects of Declining Hegemonic Power. He expects to obtain his PhD from the University of Southern Denmark and the Danish Institute for International Studies (DIIS) in 2013.
Henrik Larsen’s PhD project views democracy promotion as a policy resulting from power transitions as mediated through the predominant narratives of great powers. It distinguishes between two main types of democracy promotion, the ability to attract (enlargement, partnerships) and the ability to impose (out-of-area missions, state-building). NATO’s external policies are increasingly pursued with a lower intensity and/or with a stronger geographical demarcation.
Prior to his PhD studies, Henrik Larsen held temporary positions for the UNHCR in the Eastern Democratic Republic of the Congoand with the Ministry for Foreign Affairs of Denmark working with Russia & the Eastern neighborhood. He holds an MSc in political science from the University of Aarhus complemented with studies at the University of Montreal, Sciences Po Paris and the University of Geneva. He has been a research intern at École Militaire in Paris and he is member of the Danish roster for election observation missions for the OSCE and the EU.
Publications
- "Libya: Beyond Regime Change”, DIIS Policy Brief, October 2011.
- "Cooperative Security: Waning Influence in the Eastern Neighbourhood" in Rynning, S. & Ringsmose, J. (eds.), NATO’s New Strategic Concept: A Comprehensive Assessment, DIIS Report 2011: 02.
- "The Russo-Georgian War and Beyond: towards a European Great Power Concert", DIIS Working Paper 2009: 32 (a revised version currently under peer review).
- "Le Danemark dans la politique européenne de sécurité et de défense: dérogation, autonomie et influence" (Denmarkin the European Security and Defense Policy: Exemption, Autonomy and Influence) (2008), Revue Stratégique vol. 91-92.
Stanford Knight journalism fellows share technology ideas
During the Feb. 16 Liberation Technology Seminar, five teams from Stanford University’s John S. Knight Journalism Fellowship program shared their ideas on using technology to push the boundaries of journalism. The first speaker,Girma Fantaye, is an Ethiopian journalist in exile. Ethiopia leads the world in the number of refugee reporters (79 fled the country between 2001 and 2011). Under the context where print journalism is unable to function independently, Fantaye is attempting to create an online journal that will provide critical coverage of the nation’s politics. He discussed the various challenges involved in such a project and why it has promise in repressive environments.
Deepa Fernandes and Michelle Holmes presented Illumin.us, a project that aims to empower non-professional journalists to create compelling news stories for the media. Mobile technologies have enabled average citizens to gather powerful stories and democratize the process of choosing which stories get told. Today, anyone can create breaking news. While the tools for production are widely available, a lot of coverage is of poor quality due to the lack of journalistic training. To combat this, the Illumin.us team is creating a mobile “pocket coach” to help anyone who wants to tell a story. The app will contain the basic tools and tips for capturing news and will be available to the curators of news. It will encourage people to use their own mobile devices to report anything from breaking news to simple stories worth sharing.
Martyn Williams then discussed his project to protect sources in an online environment. A few decades ago, newspapers went to great lengths to keep the identities of their journalists secret. Today, TV stations rely heavily on user submitted content online that is vulnerable to government surveillance. Williams’ goal is to use cheap and open source technologies to ensure that those submitting to news organizations are safe and accredited.
Djordje Padejski and T. Christian Miller are working on a freedom of information platform that will enable investigative journalists to access government information legally from any country with The Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) type law. They argued that much of the information provided by Wiki leaks could be legally obtained through FOIA and other “Right to Know” laws, but there is no easy mechanism through which journalists can access public records internationally. Padejski and Miller’s project—the FOIA machine—would facilitate the usage of these under-utilized access laws. By automating the process, they hope to decrease bureaucracy, time and legal constraints. The FOIA machine will even target transnational issues by appealing to multiple governments’ records, revealing dissonance and promoting accuracy.
Emad Mekay from Egypt, discussed using technology to share government information from the U.S. with newspapers in the Middle East and North Africa. After covering the Arab Spring, he came to Stanford to work on projects to help the Arab media. Impressed by the openness of information in the U.S., Mekay came up with a plan to create an online news agency, using U.S. information technology and Freedom of Information laws to make Arab regimes more accountable and U.S. policy in the Middle East more transparent. The agency will act as a foreign correspondent for media outlets in the Middle East with a focus on getting news about the Middle East and North Africa region available in official sources in the U.S.
Kathleen Reen discusses Internet security and safe computing
Kathleen Reen, vice president for Asia and New Media programs at Internews, delivered the Feb. 9 Liberation Technology Seminar on the topic of "Strategies and Support for a Global Open Internet." Internews is an international non-profit organization, which pushes the boundaries of independent journalism, empowering media and providing uncensored news and information worldwide. The organization works with independent media outlets to make tools from the bleeding edge of human rights activism more widely available.
In her talk, Reen stressed that the problem of digital safety has become mainstream. Issues of Internet security, including malware and phishing expeditions, have infiltrated civil society. In response, Internews has created tech leaderships to teach the basics of safe computing, and to encourage awareness and participation. Internews has teamed up with ad agencies to make security tools available in countries experiencing heavy Internet censorship. Reen's talk highlighted the importance of investing in development platforms and data integrity to keep these tools effective and safe.
Reen then turned to the American experience of the Internet. The question of how much the U.S. government will continue to control the Internet is hotly debated. Alternative theories for Internet governance have been submitted to the U.N., some advocating for separate, nationally led Internets. Reen called attention to the extreme vulnerability of the American experience of the Internet, including the ability to earn livelihood online and to access uncensored data. Reen encouraged the audience to engage in these critical discussions to think twice about aspects of the American Internet experience that are unique and in peril.
Modes of Governance in the Chinese Bureaucracy: A 'Control Rights' Theory
Abstract:
The Chinese bureaucracy presents a set of anomalies that need to be explained: In the presence of a strong central authority, why do we observe widespread collusive behaviors at the local level? Why are violations and problems uncovered in the inspection processes are left unaddressed? Why is performance evaluation conducted by the higher authorities is subsequently ignored by the local authorities? We develop a theoretical model on authority relationships in the Chinese bureaucracy by conceptualizing the allocation of control rights in goal setting, inspection and incentive provision among the principal, supervisor and agent. Variations in the allocation of control rights give rise to different modes of governance and entail distinct behavioral implications among the parties involved. The proposed model provides a unified framework and a set of analytical concepts to examine different governance structures, varying authority relationships, and behavioral patterns in the Chinese bureaucracy. We illustrate the proposed model in a case study of authority relationships and the ensuing behavioral patterns in the environmental protection arena over a 5-year policy cycle.
About the speaker:
Xueguang Zhou is the Kwoh-Ting Li Professor in Economic Development, a professor of sociology, and a Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies senior fellow. His main area of research is on institutional changes in contemporary Chinese society, focusing on Chinese organizations and management, social inequality, and state-society relationships. Zhou's research topics are related to the making of markets, village elections, and local government behaviors. His recent publications examine the role of bureaucracy in public goods provision in rural China (Modern China, 2011); interactions among peasants, markets, and capital (China Quarterly, 2011); access to financial resources in Chinese enterprises (Chinese Sociological Review, 2011, with Lulu Li); multiple logics in village elections (Social Sciences in China, 2010, with Ai Yun); and collusion among local governments in policy implementation (Research in the Sociology of Organizations, 2011, with Ai Yun and Lian Hong; and Modern China, 2010) .
Philippines Conference Room
Xueguang Zhou
Shorenstein APARC
Stanford University
Encina Hall, E301
Stanford, CA 94305-6055
Xueguang Zhou is the Kwoh-Ting Li Professor in Economic Development, a professor of sociology, and a Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies senior fellow. His main area of research is on institutional changes in contemporary Chinese society, focusing on Chinese organizations and management, social inequality, and state-society relationships.
One of Zhou's current research projects is a study of the rise of the bureaucratic state in China. He works with students and colleagues to conduct participatory observations of government behaviors in the areas of environmental regulation enforcement, in policy implementation, in bureaucratic bargaining, and in incentive designs. He also studies patterns of career mobility and personnel flow among different government offices to understand intra-organizational relationships in the Chinese bureaucracy.
Another ongoing project is an ethnographic study of rural governance in China. Zhou adopts a microscopic approach to understand how peasants, village cadres, and local governments encounter and search for solutions to emerging problems and challenges in their everyday lives, and how institutions are created, reinforced, altered, and recombined in response to these problems. Research topics are related to the making of markets, village elections, and local government behaviors.
His recent publications examine the role of bureaucracy in public goods provision in rural China (Modern China, 2011); interactions among peasants, markets, and capital (China Quarterly, 2011); access to financial resources in Chinese enterprises (Chinese Sociological Review, 2011, with Lulu Li); multiple logics in village elections (Social Sciences in China, 2010, with Ai Yun); and collusion among local governments in policy implementation (Research in the Sociology of Organizations, 2011, with Ai Yun and Lian Hong; and Modern China, 2010).
Before joining Stanford in 2006, Zhou taught at Cornell University, Duke University, and Hong Kong University of Science and Technology. He is a guest professor at Peking University, Tsinghua University, and the People's University of China. Zhou received his Ph.D. in sociology from Stanford University in 1991.
The Institutional Foundations of the Chinese Bureaucratic State
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Francis Fukuyama
Encina Hall, C148
616 Jane Stanford Way
Stanford, CA 94305
Francis Fukuyama is the Olivier Nomellini Senior Fellow at Stanford University's Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies (FSI), and a faculty member of FSI's Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law (CDDRL). He is also Director of Stanford's Ford Dorsey Master's in International Policy, and a professor (by courtesy) of Political Science.
Dr. Fukuyama has written widely on issues in development and international politics. His 1992 book, The End of History and the Last Man, has appeared in over twenty foreign editions. His book In the Realm of the Last Man: A Memoir will be published in fall 2026.
Francis Fukuyama received his B.A. from Cornell University in classics, and his Ph.D. from Harvard in Political Science. He was a member of the Political Science Department of the RAND Corporation, and of the Policy Planning Staff of the US Department of State. From 1996-2000 he was Omer L. and Nancy Hirst Professor of Public Policy at the School of Public Policy at George Mason University, and from 2001-2010 he was Bernard L. Schwartz Professor of International Political Economy at the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University. He served as a member of the President’s Council on Bioethics from 2001-2004. He is editor-in-chief of American Purpose, an online journal.
Dr. Fukuyama holds honorary doctorates from Connecticut College, Doane College, Doshisha University (Japan), Kansai University (Japan), Aarhus University (Denmark), the Pardee Rand Graduate School, and Adam Mickiewicz University (Poland). He is a non-resident fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. He is a member of the Board of Trustees of the Rand Corporation, the Board of Trustees of Freedom House, and the Board of the Volcker Alliance. He is a fellow of the National Academy for Public Administration, a member of the American Political Science Association, and of the Council on Foreign Relations. He is married to Laura Holmgren and has three children.
(October 2025)
Global Populisms
3ie: Evaluating Vocational Schools in Rural China
Original article at: http://www.3ieimpact.org/news.html?id=106
16 year old Kou Yaokang’s family are poor subsistence farmers. They cannot afford to pay for Kou's high school education. Instead of ending his formal education after middle school, Kou Yaokang enrolled in a vocational school. This seemed like a good idea at the time. “The government was providing subsidies for vocational schools, and I thought I could learn new skills to get a good job,” Kou Yaokang told a team from the Rural Education Action Project in December 2011.
Vocational schools are increasingly viewed as an appealing alternative to academic high schools in rural China. In recent years, the Chinese government—at both the local and national levels—has been encouraging students like Kou Yaokang to attend vocational schools. Shaanxi Province has invested US$ 80 million in vocational education in 2010.The central government gives a subsidy of US$ 250 per year for each student enrolled in a vocational school.
So what is behind this recent expansion of vocational schooling? The drive seems to be aimed at addressing the perceived failures of the country’s traditional schooling system. There is now a feeling that China’s higher education system, which has seen a 30-fold expansion over the past two decades, has sacrificed quality of education for quantity of diplomas. Each year the system churns out thousands and thousands of graduates with high expectations but few practical skills. These graduates then enter an economy that still relies heavily on low wage exports. At the same time, the upper secondary school system has not found a way of providing quality education to the large number of students from underserved rural areas. These students enter China’s extremely competitive higher education system without the skills to excel in the nation’s rigid, test-centered curriculum.
China’s policymakers believe that the expansion of vocational schooling can help redress these failures in two ways. On one hand it would reduce the pressure on the higher education system by drawing children to vocational schools. On the other hand it would also impart “useful” skills to young people who want to directly enter the workforce. The government’s goal is to have an equal number of students in academic and vocational high schools.
What is the quality of vocational education?
At REAP, we were concerned. Was the expansion of vocational education really good for students? There was little evidence on the quality of vocational education in China. No standardized evaluations of student performance had been conducted in Chinese vocational schools. Most of the available evidence was either anecdotal or based on scant data. From our preliminary assessment, it seemed like these vocational schools were hiring ill-qualified teachers. The facilities in these schools were poor and teachers were not able to maintain student discipline.
Unfortunately, Kou Yaokang’s story does not have a happy ending. He dropped out of the subsidized vocational school after just one semester, citing the poor quality of teachers, inability to gain practical experience at school, and lack of discipline in the school. “People would wrestle in class and the teacher would do nothing! How was I supposed to learn in this environment?” said Kou.
Were the other 12 million students in Chinese vocational schools also experiencing the same problems? Encouraging them to attend poor quality schools would have negative effects and their families. At REAP, we felt the need to assess whether students were actually learning in these vocational schools. However, a solid evaluation of vocational education alone would not have been enough to change or support policy. We also needed strategic partners who would help us communicate to the top leaders in China. REAP could not work alone.
Building Partnerships
Before we began any evaluation work, we contacted our long-time partners at the Chinese Academy of Sciences, the Chinese Institute for Education Finance Research (at Peking University), and Northwest University of Xi’an- three prestigious research groups.
Our partners were well positioned to translate our results to policy change. For example, the Chinese Academy of Sciences has a long track record in influencing national policy. They have published 12 policy briefs that have been read by top policymakers including Premier Wen Jiabao and State Councilor Liu Yandong. Our partners at Peking University were also part of an education finance research team, with previous work directly overseen by the Ministry of Finance.
Even though we had partners, we also wanted to directly collaborate with policymakers at all levels: local, provincial, and national. The Ministry of Finance and Ministry of Education were interested in this study as soon as we presented it to them. They pledged to provide access to any data they had and offered to write letters of introduction to provincial officials on our behalf.
At the provincial level, the Zhejiang Department of Education officially commissioned us to evaluate their vocational schools. The Shaanxi Department of Education also wrote a letter supporting our efforts and pledging to be a stakeholder in the final report. We even contacted individuals at the local level. These were people who were part of district education bureaus we had worked with before or bureaus we thought would be interested in our work.
Aiming for Policy Change
With the support of the government and our partners, and financial backing from 3ie, in the autumn of 2011, REAP began the first ever large-scale study to evaluate the impact of vocational schooling on student learning in China. Using standardized tests developed by our partners at Peking University, we conducted a baseline survey in Zhejiang and Shaanxi provinces covering over 120 randomly selected schools and 12,000 vocational school students. We also surveyed academic high schools that enrolled students with similar test scores and family backgrounds as our vocational school students.
Although our study is ongoing, preliminary results suggest that vocational schools are indeed not all that they promise to be. They do not offer much practical training, suffer from serious disciplinary problems, and lack well-qualified teachers. Of course, we still need to analyze our final results to see the “proof in the pudding”. Before the summer of 2012, we will return to each of these schools to conduct a second survey. It is only then that we will be able to compare the gains in standardized test scores between vocational and academic high school students.
Although our evaluation is still underway, we continue to communicate preliminary results to policymakers. Apart from our usual policy briefs and publications, we also periodically visit policymakers to inform them of our progress. In fact, because we took the lead in collaborating with them before undertaking the study, there are times when the policymakers themselves contact us, asking about our results.
We also periodically bring local and provincial policymakers to Beijing to attend policy relevant conferences. For example, we hosted a conference in March that brought together policymakers, students, school principals, academics and representatives from not-for-profit organizations, and foundations.
Ultimately, all of our efforts - building partnerships, conducting rigorous evaluations, and communicating results - are geared towards policy change. Conducting evaluations of new policies can sometimes be the best way to help students like Kou Yaokang stay in school. The results of the evaluation can help in designing programmes that achieve their intended goals and benefit the poor students of rural China. The fact that policymakers at all levels have been involved from the outset greatly increases the chances that our recommendations will be incorporated and lives will be changed.
Cuéllar tackles failures of America's immigration system