Keynote: 

Thursday, February 8, 2018
6:00pm
Stanford Alumni Center, Fisher Conference Center, 326 Galvez St. (please note venue change)

From Lenin to Putin: Biography as Window on Soviet/Russian Politics
with Professor William Taubman, Pulitzer Prize-winning historian

 

The conference, "Communist Century: New Studies in Revolution, Resistance and Radicalism" begins on February 9, 2018 at 9am.  For the agenda, please visit:
http://tec.fsi.stanford.edu/events/communist-century-new-studies-revolu…

 

More Information:
https://creees.stanford.edu/events/communist-century-new-studies-revolution-resistance-and-radicalism


Sponsorships:
The Center for Russian, East European and Eurasian Studies, The Europe Center, Department of History, School of Humanities and Sciences, and the Taube Center for Jewish Studies

 

Fisher Conference Center
Stanford Alumni Center
326 Galvez Street

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Conference Agenda:

Friday, February 9, 2018
9:00am - 5:30pm
Stanford Alumni Center, Fisher Conference Center, 326 Galvez St.

  • 9:00-9:30 am: Breakfast
  • 9:30-9:45 am: Introductory Remarks
  • 9:45-10:45 am: Steven Zipperstein (Stanford University): Engineering the Human Soul:  Reflections on Jews and Communism
  • 10:45-11:45 am: Norman Naimark (Stanford University): Stalin, Europe, and the Struggle for Sovereignty, 1944-1949
  • 11:45 am-1:00 pm: Lunch
  • 1:00-2:00 pm: David Holloway (Stanford University): Science, Technology, and Soviet Modernity
  • 2:00-3:00 pm: Benjamin Nathans (University of Pennsylvania): Formations of Dissent in the Late Soviet Era: Circle, Square, Network, Movement
  • 3:00-3:30 pm:  Coffee Break
  • 3:30-4:30 pm: Amir Weiner (Stanford University): The KGB: An Autobiography
  • 4:30-5:30 pm: Anna Grzymala-Busse (Stanford University): Post-Communist Populism
  • 5:30 pm:  Concluding Remarks

 

More Information:
https://creees.stanford.edu/events/communist-century-new-studies-revolution-resistance-and-radicalism


Sponsorships:
The Center for Russian, East European and Eurasian Studies, The Europe Center, Department of History, School of Humanities and Sciences, and the Taube Center for Jewish Studies

 

Fisher Conference Center
Stanford Alumni Center
326 Galvez Street

Conferences
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Vera Zakem has been leading work at CNA Center for Stability and Development on how Russia and other actors use propaganda and disinformation to influence and target populations in Europe. She will highlight how Russia and other actors exploit internal sources of vulnerabilities and instability to target vulnerable populations in Europe via disinformation and influence campaigns. Vera's work includes conducting in-country field work in many of the countries in the region.

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Vera Zakem specializes in developing innovative solutions, analytics, and partnerships in assessing root causes of conflict and instability for vulnerable populations, information warfare, social media, and disinformation, and civil-military operations. She incorporates development, diplomacy, and civil-military operations in assessing today’s security environment. She currently leads CNA’s work in assessing internal vulnerabilities to vulnerable populations, Europe and Russia, disinformation and propaganda, technology, and influence.

Zakem has conducted in-country fieldwork in the Balkans, Baltics, Central Asia, and the Middle East. Earlier in her career, she has collaborated multinational and government organizations in analyzing and assessing human security. She taught adversary, futures analytics and red teaming at the Elliot School of International Affairs, George Washington University. Throughout her career, Zakem has worked with diverse sectors in promoting the role of women in security and development.

Zakem has an M.A. in Government from Johns Hopkins University, a B.A. in Politics and Economics from the University of San Francisco and has also spent a year at Tel Aviv University in Israel. She speaks Russian, Spanish, and Hebrew. She is a Term Member, Council on Foreign Relations.

William J. Perry Conference Room
Encina Hall, 2nd floor

Vera Zakem Director of Strategy and Partnerships and Project Director Guest speaker CNA Center for Stability and Development
Lectures
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A critical question for agricultural production and food security is how water demand for staple crops will respond to climate and carbon dioxide (CO2) changes1, especially in light of the expected increases in extreme heat exposure2. To quantify the trade-offs between the effects of climate and CO2 on water demand, we use a ‘sink-strength’ model of demand3,4 which relies on the vapour-pressure deficit (VPD), incident radiation and the efficiencies of canopy-radiation use and canopy transpiration; the latter two are both dependent on CO2. This model is applied to a global data set of gridded monthly weather data over the cropping regions of maize, soybean, wheat and rice during the years 1948–2013. We find that this approach agrees well with Penman–Monteith potential evapotranspiration (PM) for the C3 crops of soybean, wheat and rice, where the competing CO2 effects largely cancel each other out, but that water demand in maize is significantly overstated by a demand measure that does not include CO2, such as the PM. We find the largest changes in wheat, for which water demand has increased since 1981 over 86% of the global cropping area and by 2.3–3.6 percentage points per decade in different regions.

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Nature Climate Change
Authors
David Lobell
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Political scientist Anna Grzymala-Busse finds that authoritarians face a choice in the face of change: try to cling to power, exit governing or reinvent themselves as democrats. It’s those who reinvent themselves as newly minted democrats who fare the worst in the long run.

In the years since World War II, as the global geopolitical map was drawn and redrawn along ideological lines, the world witnessed ascension of many authoritarians. They often ruled for long stretches, but eventually most faced a political reckoning. The people they governed no longer accepted their authority and demanded change.

The fate of authoritarians in the aftermath of such crises is the subject of a new study in the journal Party Politics written by Stanford political scientist Anna Grzymala-Busse. At such inflection points, she says, authoritarians face a [[{"fid":"229407","view_mode":"crop_870xauto","fields":{"format":"crop_870xauto","field_file_image_description[und][0][value]":"Photograph of Anna Grzymala-Busse.","field_file_image_alt_text[und][0][value]":"Photograph of Anna Grzymala-Busse.","field_file_image_title_text[und][0][value]":"Photograph of Anna Grzymala-Busse.","field_credit[und][0][value]":"","field_caption[und][0][value]":"","thumbnails":"crop_870xauto","alt":"Photograph of Anna Grzymala-Busse.","title":"Photograph of Anna Grzymala-Busse."},"type":"media","field_deltas":{"1":{"format":"crop_870xauto","field_file_image_description[und][0][value]":"Photograph of Anna Grzymala-Busse.","field_file_image_alt_text[und][0][value]":"Photograph of Anna Grzymala-Busse.","field_file_image_title_text[und][0][value]":"Photograph of Anna Grzymala-Busse.","field_credit[und][0][value]":"","field_caption[und][0][value]":"","thumbnails":"crop_870xauto","alt":"Photograph of Anna Grzymala-Busse.","title":"Photograph of Anna Grzymala-Busse."}},"link_text":null,"attributes":{"alt":"Photograph of Anna Grzymala-Busse.","title":"Photograph of Anna Grzymala-Busse.","style":"float: right; height: 350px; width: 200px; margin-top: 10px; margin-left: 15px; margin-bottom: 10px;","class":"media-element file-crop-870xauto","data-delta":"1"}}]]choice:theycan cling to power, albeit by ceding a certain degree of control, or they can exit governing altogether, either by dissolving the party entirely or, more dramatically, by reinventing themselves as democrats.
 

Newly minted democrats

It was these reinventors – the newly minted democrats – that intrigued Grzymala-Busse the most. She found that while many enjoyed initial electoral success, most ended up losing power in the long run.
 
“Paradoxically,” Grzymala-Busse said, “this fate seems to flow precisely from the decision to reinvent their organizations, their political symbols and their state programs to fit the norms of free political competition.”
 
In adopting democratic rhetoric and standards of competence, it seems, the parties find initial success, but then are unable to sustain newfound democratic philosophies and programs. They hoist themselves on their own petards, as she put it in her paper, alluding to Shakespeare’s Hamlet.
 
These reinvented parties often attract new politicians who are more entrepreneurial than their predecessors. Those new faces, however, often prove to be mere opportunists. The resulting scandals destroy party credibility and contribute to an unending downward political spiral.

Ironically, Grzymala-Busse found that the best choice for authoritarians is simply to cling to power “counting on a loyal if unhappy electorate,” even if it means ceding much of their once-monopolistic grip on power to democratic reforms.

81 governments studied

For her study, Grzymala-Busse examined and quantified the resulting political denouements of 81 authoritarian governments spanning the period from 1945 to 2015. Countries studied include the former Soviet Bloc, China, Cuba, several in Southeast Asia, many African nations and Mexico. The governing systems ranged from the communism of the Soviet Bloc and socialism to secular state-building and rule for the sake of national security.

The success of the reinventors can be rapid and remarkable, but so too can be the demise. Grzymala-Busse noted that the Hungarian Socialist Party won 43 percent of the vote and 49 percent of the seats in 2006, only to succumb to allegations of deception, mismanagement and fraud soon afterward. In Poland, the Democratic and Left Alliance (SLD), which won 41 percent of the vote in 2001, watched as its power steeply declined in the subsequent decade until the party dissolved entirely in 2011.

“Those who reinvented shone more brightly for a brief time, but burned out. Those who chose orthodoxy never enjoyed the great success of the reinventors, but they survived,” she said.

And what of those authoritarians who choose neither to remain nor to reinvent? Grzymala said that they simply dissolve back into society where former members often capitalize on their connections to become captains of industry.

“Some become oligarchs,” she said, “retaining power by other means.”

Lessons on change

The takeaway of her study for at-risk authoritarians, Grzymala-Busse said, is that reinvention alone is not enough to carry the party. New parties cannot survive as the remnants of their former selves. They must become entirely new organizations with viable programmatic approaches. Likewise, she said, when newly minted democrats hail competence as a competitive advantage, they must make good on the promise. If they fall short, they face exceptionally harsh outcomes at the polls.

“The irony is, without real change, the parties that built democracy by supporting free elections fall victim to those same democratic forces they championed.”

Anna Grzymala-Busse is the Kevin and Michelle Douglas Professor of International Studies and a senior fellow at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies at Stanford University.

The study was made possible by financial support from the Carnegie Foundation.

 

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Abstract:

Election forensics adds distinctive value to current efforts to promote the integrity of elections around the world by developing special forensic tools and techniques designed to detect the presence of election fraud and to estimate its magnitude based on the reported results of elections. By utilizing electoral data, election forensics provides statistical evidence, which could refute or support various sorts of accusations related to the presence of election fraud. What methods and techniques are currently used by election forensics? Can election forensics measures be validated by the auxiliary data, such as election observation? What election forensics tells us about election fraud at the Russian elections? To address these questions I’ll discuss election forensics methodology, and present key findings from the analysis of the Russian presidential and parliamentary elections 2000-2016.

 

Speaker Bio:

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Kirill Kalinin is a W. Glenn Campbell and Rita Ricardo-Campbell National Fellow at the Hoover Institution. His research focuses on election studies, election forensics, survey methodology, and Russian politics. Kirill is one of the creators of the Election Forensics Toolkit website with funding from USAID, a prototype that implements election forensics methods that have been proposed as useful accuracy diagnostics for detecting election fraud. Currently Kirill is also engaged in data management and analysis of the Survey of Russian Elites: 1993–2016. Kirill received a PhD in Political Science from the University of Michigan (2017).

Kirill Kalinin W. Glenn Campbell and Rita Ricardo-Campbell National Fellow at the Hoover Institution
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"The problems with our democracy—ever-deepening polarization, incivility, gridlock, dysfunction, conflicts of interest, and disregard for democratic norms—are not just problems of political culture and behavior. Politicians are driven by incentives, especially the desire to get re-elected. Institutions heavily shape these incentives, and our institutions are in need of reform. Unless we reform our democracy, we will be increasingly hard-pressed to improve the health of democracy globally." Listen to Larry Diamond, Senior Fellow at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies, explains in this podcast what are the options from here, by Hoover Institution. 

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