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Politicians in a number of jurisdictions with cap-and-trade markets for greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions or carbon taxes have argued that the evidence is in and the conclusion is clear: Carbon pricing doesn’t work. A number of journalists and environmental groups have jumped on the bandwagon, amplifying a misguided message.

A better understanding of how markets and price mechanisms work might change their minds — and the conversation — on the benefits of carbon pricing.

 

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Stanford Institute for Economic Policy Research (SIEPR)
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A place that a news story should exist but this is here to show what one looks like in Internal

A place that a news story should exist but this is here to show what one looks like in InternalA place that a news story should exist but this is here to show what one looks like in InternalA place that a news story should exist but this is here to show what one looks like in InternalA place that a news story should exist but this is here to show what one looks like in InternalA place that a news story should exist but this is here to show what one looks like in InternalA place that a news story should exist but this is here to show what one looks like in InternalA place that a news story should exist but this is here to show what one looks like in InternalA place that a news story should exist but this is here to show what one looks like in InternalA place that a news story should exist but this is here to show what one looks like in InternalA place that a news story should exist but this is here to show what one looks like in InternalA place that a news story should exist but this is here to show what one looks like in InternalA place that a news story should exist but this is here to show what one looks like in InternalA place that a news story should exist but this is here to show what one looks like in InternalA place that a news story should exist but this is here to show what one looks like in InternalA place that a news story should exist but this is here to show what one looks like in InternalA place that a news story should exist but this is here to show what one looks like in InternalA place that a news story should exist but this is here to show what one looks like in InternalA place that a news story should exist but this is here to show what one looks like in InternalA place that a news story should exist but this is here to show what one looks like in InternalA place that a news story should exist but this is here to show what one looks like in InternalA place that a news story should exist but this is here to show what one looks like in InternalA place that a news story should exist but this is here to show what one looks like in InternalA place that a news story should exist but this is here to show what one looks like in InternalA place that a news story should exist but this is here to show what one looks like in InternalA place that a news story should exist but this is here to show what one looks like in InternalA place that a news story should exist but this is here to show what one looks like in InternalA place that a news story should exist but this is here to show what one looks like in InternalA place that a news story should exist but this is here to show what one looks like in InternalA place that a news story should exist but this is here to show what one looks like in InternalA place that a news story should exist but this is here to show what one looks like in InternalA place that a news story should exist but this is here to show what one looks like in Internal

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"If there is a single lesson to be learned from the contemporary Middle East, it is that national identity is critical to the success of any political system. That identity needs to be liberal and inclusive, encompassing a country’s de facto diversity. But it also needs to be substantive," writes CDDRL Mosbacher Director Francis Fukuyama. Read here.

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2018 S.T. Lee Lectureship

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Few people have sat across from the Iranians and the North Koreans at the negotiating table. WENDY SHERMAN has done both. During her time as the lead US negotiator of the historic Iran nuclear deal and throughout her distinguished career, Ambassador Sherman has amassed tremendous expertise in the most pressing foreign policy issues of our time. Throughout her life—from growing up in civil-rights-era Baltimore, to stints as a social worker, campaign manager, and business owner, to advising multiple presidents—she has relied on values that have shaped her approach to work and leadership: authenticity, effective use of power and persistence, acceptance of change, and commitment to the team. 

In NOT FOR THE FAINT OF HEART, Ambassador Sherman takes readers inside the world of international diplomacy and into the mind of one of our most effective negotiators—often the only woman in the room. She shows why good work in her field is so hard to do, and how we can apply core skills of diplomacy to the challenges in our own lives. 

But it’s important to remember that deals can be undone. Following Donald Trump’s withdrawal from the Iran nuclear deal, Ambassador Sherman updated NOT FOR THE FAINT OF HEART to better articulate how our governmental structures are failing our diplomatic ones. 

In the dark political era we’ve entered since Ambassador Sherman first put pen to paper, she’s come to realize how increasingly important it is to understand the deeper nature of negotiation. Leaders talk about the art of the deal and discredit the art of diplomacy—while achieving neither and misunderstanding both. The fact is, whether you’re in politics or business, the world has become so increasingly complex that the diplomatic perspective has become indispensable to deal making. 

In utilizing her first-hand knowledge, Ambassador Sherman distinguishes between the diplomat and the autocrat. The former is inclusive and expansive, understanding that every decision is grounded in present and past history, with an obligation to the future; the latter is impulsive and reckless, and sees only what’s in front of him and what’s at stake right now. 

We need leaders who are tough, blunt, and realistic, it’s true—but those same leaders must understand the nature of power if they hope to use it effectively. They have to learn from loss and let go of the things they can’t control; learn how to build a team and recognize adversaries as partners in making real change; and, above all, they have to bring their authentic selves to the negotiation table. As Ambassador Sherman writes in the introduction to NOT FOR THE FAINT OF HEART: “When we are ourselves, even if that means letting our tears flow, we can be our most powerful.” 

Through personal stories drawn from a lifetime of public service, Ambassador Sherman has written a necessary text for today’s leaders. But NOT FOR THE FAINT OF HEART is so much more than a behind-the-curtain political memoir: it is a nuanced, revealing, and practical guide for any woman or man who wants to improve their negotiation game. 

 

 “A powerful, deeply personal, and absorbing book written by one of America’s smartest and most dedicated diplomats.”—MADELEINE K. ALBRIGHT, 64th U.S. Secretary of State 

“Wendy doesn’t just write about the value of courage, power, and persistence, she lives it. She’s an example that a strong negotiator can also be a humane mentor.”—JOHN KERRY, 68th U.S. Secretary of State 

“An indispensable insider’s account of America’s negotiations with Iran and North Korea and a timely reminder of the importance of diplomacy… This book is also the personal saga of a woman navigating a generation of change in American politics. At an inflection point in our national conversations about diplomacy and gender, this book is illuminating on both fronts.” —RONAN FARROW, contributing writer, New Yorker, and author of The War on Peace 

“A compelling narrative, never needed more than today.”—ANDREA MITCHELL, chief foreign affairs correspondent, NBC, and news anchor, MSNBC 

Books will be available for sale 

Wendy R. Sherman is Senior Counselor at Albright Stonebridge Group and former Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs.  In January 2019, Ambassador Sherman will join Harvard Kennedy School as a professor of the practice in public leadership and director of the School’s Center for Public Leadership.  She serves on the boards of the International Crisis Group and the Atlantic Council, and is a member of the Council on Foreign Relations and the Aspen Strategy Group.  Ambassador Sherman led the U.S. negotiating team that reached agreement on a Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action between the P5+1, the European Union, and Iran for which, among other diplomatic accomplishments, she was awarded the National Security Medal by President Barack Obama.  Prior to her service at the Department of State, she was Vice Chair and founding partner of the Albright Stonebridge Group, Counselor of the Department of State under Secretary Madeleine Albright and Special Advisor to President Clinton and Policy Coordinator on North Korea, and Assistant Secretary for Legislative Affairs under Secretary Warren Christopher.   Early in her career, she managed Senator Barbara Mikulski’s successful campaign for the U.S Senate and served as Director of EMILY’S list.  She served on the President’s Intelligence Advisory Board, was Chair of the Board of Directors of Oxfam America and served on the U.S. Department of Defense’s Defense Policy Board and Congressional Commission on the Prevention of Weapons of Mass Destruction, Proliferation and Terrorism.  Ambassador Sherman is the author of Not for the Faint of Heart: Lessons in Courage, Power and Persistence published by PublicAffairs, September 2018.

 

The S.T. Lee Lectureship is named for Seng Tee Lee, a business executive and noted philanthropist. Dr. Lee is director of the Lee group of companies in Singapore and of the Lee Foundation.

Dr. Lee endowed the annual lectureship at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies in order to raise public understanding of the complex policy issues facing the global community today and to increase support for informed international cooperation.

The S.T. Lee Distinguished Lecturer is chosen for his or her international reputation as a leader in international political, economic, social, and health issues and strategic policy-making concerns.

Ambassador Wendy R. Sherman <i>Senior Counselor at Albright Stonebridge Group and former Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs</i>
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Beth Duff-Brown
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The number of deaths due to poor-quality health care is estimated to be five times higher than the annual global deaths from HIV/AIDS — and three times more than deaths from diabetes.

That amounts to 5 million deaths per year in 137 low- and middle-income countries as a result of poor-quality care, with a further 3.6 million lives lost due to insufficient access to care, according to the first study to quantify the burden of poor-quality health systems worldwide.

The findings come from a new analysis published in The Lancet, as part of The Lancet Global Health Commission on High Quality Health Systems. The commission was a two-year project that brought together 30 academics, policymakers and health-systems experts from 18 countries who examined how to measure and improve health system quality worldwide. Its final report was published in The Lancet Global Health.

“As efforts to expand universal health coverage continue to drive the global health agenda, these numbers remind us that addressing the quality of health systems must be a top priority,” said Stanford Health Policy’s Joshua Salomon, a professor of medicine, member of the commission, and senior author on The Lancet study.

“Increasing access to health care continues to be critically important, but we find that there is also a tremendous opportunity to do a better job at caring for those who are already accessing the health system.”

To quantify the burden of poor-quality health care, the authors analysed data for 61 different health conditions and computed the "excess mortality" found among patients in low- and middle-income countries – that is, the additional risk of death in those countries compared to corresponding risks in high-income countries with strong health systems. Among the 5 million deaths attributed to receipt of poor-quality care, 1.9 million, or nearly 40 percent, occurred in the South Asia region, which includes India, Pakistan and Afghanistan.     

The commission, in an extensive report on its overall findings and recommendations, found systematic deficits in quality of care in multiple countries, across a range of health conditions and in both primary and hospital care. These include:

  1. The over 8 million excess deaths due to poor-quality health systems lead to economic welfare losses of $6 trillion in 2015 alone.
  2. Poor-quality is a major driver of deaths amenable to health care across all conditions in low- and middle-income countries, including 84 percent of cardiovascular deaths, 81 percent of vaccine preventable diseases, 61 percent of neonatal conditions — and half of maternal, road injury, tuberculosis, HIV and other infectious disease deaths.  
  3. Approximately 1 million deaths from neonatal conditions and tuberculosis occurred in people who used the health system, but received poor care.

“Quality care should not be the purview of the elite, or an aspiration for some distant future; it should be the DNA of all health systems,” said Commission Chair Margaret E. Kruk of the Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health. 

“The human right to health is meaningless without good quality care. High quality health systems put people first. They generate health, earn the public’s trust, and can adapt when health needs change,” Kruk said. “Countries will know they are on the way towards high-quality, accountable health systems when health workers and policymakers choose to receive health care in their own public institutions.”

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The commissioners used data from more than 81,000 consultations in 18 countries and found that, on average, mothers and children receive less than half of the recommended clinical actions in a typical visit, including failures to do postpartum check-ups, incorrect management of diarrhoea or tuberculosis, and failures to monitor blood pressure during labor.

And perhaps not surprising, poor-quality care is more common among the most vulnerable.

The wealthiest women attending antenatal care are four times more likely to report blood pressure measurements, and urine and blood tests compared to the poorest women; adolescent mothers are less likely to receive evidence-based care; and children from wealthier families are more likely to receive antibiotics. People with stigmatized health conditions, such as HIV/AIDS, mental health and substance abuse disorders, as well as other vulnerable groups such as refugees, prisoners and migrants are less likely to receive high quality care. 

“Given our findings, it is not surprising that only one quarter of people in low- and middle-income countries believe that their health systems work well,” Kruk said. 

The right to high quality care

In an accompanying editorial by The Lancet, the editors acknowledge that expansion of universal health coverage remains essential, but that without high quality health-care systems, universal care “will be an abstract and meaningless myth.”

The commission proposes several ways to address health system quality, starting with public accountability for and transparency on health system performance. 

It found many current improvement approaches have had limited effects. Additionally, commonly used health system metrics, such as availability of medicines, equipment or the proportion of births with skilled attendants, do not reflect quality of care and might lead to false complacency about progress.

The commission calls for fewer, but better measurements of health systems quality, and proposes a dashboard of metrics that should be implemented in counties by 2021 to enable transparent measurement and reporting of quality care.

“The vast epidemic of low-quality care suggests there is no quick fix, and policymakers must commit to reforming the foundations of health care systems,” said Muhammad Pate, co-chair of the commission and former minister of state for health in Nigeria.

“This includes adopting a clear quality strategy, organizing services to maximize outcomes, not access alone, modernizing health-worker education, and enlisting the public in demanding better quality care,” Pate said.

“For too long, the global health discourse has been focused on improving access to care, without sufficient emphasis on high quality care,” he said. “Providing health services without guaranteeing a minimum level of quality is ineffective, wasteful and unethical.”

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Colin H. Kahl will serve as co-director of the social sciences for Stanford’s Center for International Security and Cooperation (CISAC).

Kahl, a top international security expert and veteran White House advisor, is the Steven C. Házy Senior Fellow at Stanford’s Freeman Spogli Institute (FSI) for International Studies. He begins his new position on September 1, following Amy Zegart, the previous co-director for the social sciences. Rodney Ewing is the CISAC co-director for science and engineering.

Prior to Stanford, Kahl was an associate professor in the Security Studies Program at Georgetown University’s Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service. From 2014 to 2017, he was deputy assistant to the U.S. president and national security advisor to the vice president. In that position, he served as a senior advisor to President Obama and Vice President Biden on all matters related to U.S. foreign policy and national security affairs, and represented the Office of the Vice President as a standing member of the National Security Council Deputies’ Committee.

Kahl’s research is focused on American grand strategy and a range of contemporary international security challenges, particularly digital and nuclear security, which are core CISAC research areas.  He also leads the Middle East Initiative at FSI. The Initiative seeks to improve understanding of how developments in the Middle East impact people in the region and security around the globe.

In the Winter Quarter, Kahl will teach a course, “Decision Making and U.S. Foreign Policy,” in the Ford Dorsey Master’s in International Policy program; he will also co-teach CISAC’s introductory class, “International Security in a Changing World.”

“For more than three decades, CISAC has been one of the nation’s premier centers for interdisciplinary research on international affairs,” Kahl said. “The Center has a long tradition of bringing together social scientists and hard scientists to conduct cutting edge, policy-relevant research on some of the most pressing security challenges we face,” Kahl said. “I look forward to working with Rod Ewing and my other CISAC colleagues to continue and expand upon this tradition of excellence.”

“Colin Kahl, who has both academic and extensive policy experience through his work in government and think tanks, will be a terrific co-director and asset to CISAC,” said Ewing.

“We are thrilled that Colin will be leading CISAC with Rod Ewing. Colin’s extensive experience in both theory and policy will enhance CISAC’s work in all areas,” said FSI Director and Senior Fellow Michael McFaul.

Kahl received his B.A. in political science from the University of Michigan (1993) and his Ph.D. in political science from Columbia University (2000).

 

MEDIA CONTACTS:

Colin H. Kahl, Center for International Security and Cooperation: ckahl@stanford.edu
Katy Gabel, Center for International Security and Cooperation: (650) 725-6488, kgabel@stanford.edu

 

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Abstract:

What explains variation in secular and Islamist political identity and behavior? I argue that local variation in colonial settlement encouraged the development of distinct Tunisian political identities across localities. Using data on political mobilization at the moment of independence, I find that differential colonial investments in local land and schools produced divergent secular and Islamist political identities. This relationship operates through two mechanisms; first, high local land expropriation by the French weakened the religious land tenure system (the waqf system) and traditional Islamic schools in those areas. Second, the increased presence of agricultural colonial settlers is also correlated with a greater presence of local French schools and higher enrollment of native Tunisians in French primary education. This variation in colonial experience also informs contemporary patterns of partisanship and social cleavages in Tunisia.

 

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Alexandra Blackman is a Ph.D. candidate in the Political Science Department at Stanford University and a pre-doctoral fellow at the Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law.

Pre-doctoral fellow at the Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law.
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Abstract:

The Islamization of universities has been the cornerstone of the Iranian regime’s higher educational policy since its ascent to power in 1979. Since the victory of the 1979 Iranian Revolution, the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) has relentlessly attempted to control and suppress dissident students and professors in an effort to train a new generation of ideologically driven students. Although the Islamic Republic was successful in co-opting a group of university students by means of ideological and materialistic incentives, a majority of students became less ideological and more critical of both the regime and its staple ideologies. These continuous struggles between the state and universities have given rise to several important questions: Why and how has the Islamic Republic Islamized and controlled universities? To what extent have these strategies succeeded or failed? Why and how have students responded to state domination?

 

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Saeid Golkar is a visiting Assistant Professor in the Department of Political Science and Public Service at the University of Tennessee at Chattanooga, and concurrently, a non-resident Senior Fellow on Middle East Policy at the Chicago Council on Global Affairs (CCGA). His research focuses on international and comparative politics of authoritarian regimes with an emphasis on the Middle East. His book, Captive Society: The Basij Militia and Social Control in Post-revolutionary Iran (Columbia University Press, 2015), was awarded the Washington Institute silver medal prize.

Saeid Golkar Visiting Assistant Professor in the Department of Political Science and Public Service at the University of Tennessee at Chattanooga
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"What is different today is the speed and extraterritorial reach of disinformation. Over-restriction on content undermines our democratic values, but understanding the mechanisms of manipulation opens up the solutions." Our Eileen Donahoe, Executive Director of CDDRL's Global Digital Policy Incubator, said in the podcast "Digital Media: Combatting Threats in the Era of Fake News." Listen here.

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