The rising level of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere means that crops are becoming less nutritious, and that change could lead to higher rates of malnutrition that predispose people to various diseases.

That conclusion comes from an analysis published Tuesday in the journal PLOS Medicine, which also examined how the risk could be alleviated. In the end, cutting emissions, and not public health initiatives, may be the best response, according to the paper's authors.

Research has already shown that crops like wheat and rice produce lower levels of essential nutrients when exposed to higher levels of carbon dioxide, thanks to experiments that artificially increased CO2 concentrations in agricultural fields. While plants grew bigger, they also had lower concentrations of minerals like iron and zinc.

Read the entire story at NPR. 

As global health assistance for developing countries dwindles, a Stanford student working on her PhD in health policy has developed a novel formula to help donors make more informed decisions about where their dollars should go.

Donors have typically relied predominately on gross national income (GNI) per capita to determine aid allocations. But using GNI is problematic because it effectively penalizes economic growth. It also fails to capture contextual nuances important to channeling aid effectively and efficiently.

So Tara Templin, a first-year Stanford PhD student specializing in health economics, and her Harvard colleague Annie Haakenstad, have developed a framework that estimates funding based on needed resources, expected spending and potential spending into 2030. They believe the more flexible model makes it adaptable for use by governments, donors and policymakers.

“We've observed development assistance for health growth attenuate over the last seven years,” said Templin, who was a research fellow at the Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation before coming to Stanford. “There are difficult trade-offs, and this entails honing in on the specific challenges and countries most in need.”

Their research published in the journal Health Policy and Planning outlines how their “financing gaps framework” can be adapted to short- or long-run time frames, between or within countries.

“Depending on donor preferences, the framework can be deployed to incentivize local investments in health, ensuring the long-term sustainability of health systems in low- and middle-income countries, while also furnishing international support for progress toward global health goals,” write the authors, who also are Stephen Lim of the University of Washington, Jesse B. Bump of Harvard and Joseph Dieleman, also at the University of Washington.

The authors developed a case study of child health to test out their framework. It shows that priorities vary substantially when using their results as compared to focusing mainly on GNI per capita or child mortality.

The case study uses data from the Global Burden of Disease 2013 Study, Financing Global Health 2015, the WHO Global Health Observatory and National Health Accounts. Funding flows are anchored to progress toward the U.N. Sustainable Development Goals’ target for reductions in the death rates of children under 5. More than six million children die each year before their fifth birthday, so the United Nations set a goal to reduce under-5 mortality to at least 25 per 1,000 live births.

To build their child health case study, the authors relied on a 2015 study that estimated the average cost per child-life saved is $4,205 in low-income countries, $6,496 in lower-middle income countries and $10,016 in upper-middle countries.

The framework considers three concepts. First, expected government spending is constructed from national health accounts, which are standardized financial reports from countries around the world. Second, ability to pay is estimated by looking at countries with similar levels of economic development and looking at associations with country investment in the health sector. Lastly, needed investment considers a health target, the country’s current health burden, and average costs to save children’s lives in each country.

“Our focus is on the gap between the resources needed to reach critical health targets and domestic health spending,” the authors wrote. “We highlight two facets of domestic health resources—expected spending and potential spending—as critical. While donor preferences may vary, basing aid allocation on expected or existing spending levels incentivizes countries to spend less on health. We therefore propose the use of potential spending, which is a measure of a country’s ability to pay, as the domestic resource benchmark.”

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Instead of the gap between expected spending and need, their framework focuses on the gap between potential spending and the health resources needed to meet global health targets. In the framework, policymakers can choose which gap they want to target, since this decision can involve many factors.

“By focusing on that gap, donors can catalyze sustained domestic spending while also addressing the resource needs critical to reaching international health goals,” they wrote.

They then looked at 10 countries with the most need for additional child health resources. The gap between expected spending and potential spending was highest in Afghanistan, at 79 percent, and lowest in Cameroon, where expected spending exceeded potential spending.

“Fifty years ago, GNI was the best proxy for countries’ ability to finance their own development and health,” the authors wrote.

But today, more empirical data and technology are available, allowing donors to incorporate a broader set of health financing measures into their decision-making process.

“The flexible but targeted nature of our framework is critical in the current era of global health financing,” said Haakenstad, the lead author. “Our framework helps to ensure the poor and disadvantaged, the majority of which now reside in middle-income countries, are reached by development assistance and other public financing. This funding is critical to reducing death and disability and reaching global targets in health.”

The authors’ research was supported by the Welcome Trust (099114/Z/12/Z).

The federal Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services (CMS) sent a letter to state Medicaid directors on January 11 announcing a policy change that allows states to experiment with how they deliver the public health insurance for low-income residents of their states. The provision that prompted headlines was its suggestion that state officials seek a waiver to Medicaid regulations allowing them to attach work requirements, or what CMS calls “community engagement,” for eligibility among able-bodied adults.

CMS Administrator Seema Verma said the work requirement among eligible adults would “make a positive and lasting difference in the health and wellness of our beneficiaries.”

In a speech to Medicaid officials in November, Verma criticized the Obama administration for focusing on expanding Medicaid enrollment under the Affordable Care Act, rather than helping the poor move out of poverty and into jobs that provide health insurance.

“Believing that community engagement does not support or promote the objectives of Medicaid is a tragic example of the soft bigotry of low expectations consistently espoused by the prior administration,” she said. “Those days are over.”

So far, the states that have applied for the Medicaid waiver that would allow them to impose the work requirement are Arizona, Arkansas, Indiana, Kansas, Kentucky, Maine, New Hampshire, North Carolina, Utah and Wisconsin. The Kentucky waiver application said it would require most nondisabled Medicaid beneficiaries age 19 to 64 to work at least 20 hours a week.

Medicaid was created in 1965 for families on public assistance and low-income seniors. It is now the nation’s largest health-insurance program and covers 70 million people, or about one in five Americans, and includes pregnant women and newborns, the elderly in nursing homes and people with disabilities.

Opponents of the work requirement say it demonizes the poor and that low-income people will fall through the cracks and could be denied coverage because of technicalities or errors in their paperwork.

We asked FSI senior fellow and Stanford Health Policy faculty member Jay Bhattacharya — a professor of medicine and health economist who is an expert on government policies designed to benefit vulnerable populations — a few questions about the new policy.

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Stanford Health Policy: A study by the Kaiser Family Foundation found that among nonelderly adults with Medicaid coverage — the group of enrollees most likely to be in the workforce — nearly 8 in 10 live in a working family and a majority are working themselves. They also found most Medicaid enrollees who work are working full time but their annual incomes are still low enough to qualify for Medicaid. So who are the Medicaid recipients that the Trump administration is targeting — and to what end?

Bhattacharya: The CMS decision permits states to experiment with work requirements for able-bodied Medicaid enrollees. That is, it does not permit state experiments with work requirements for Medicaid enrollees who qualify because of a disability, or qualify because they are pregnant, or otherwise qualify because of physical or medical incapacity to work. At least as a first cut, the CMS decision permits states to impose work requirements for Medicaid enrollees who qualify through the expansion in Medicaid induced by the Affordable Care Act and does not permit work requirements on traditional Medicaid population who qualified in ways permitted before the ACA. States can also require alternatives to work, including volunteering, caregiving, education, job training and even treatment for a substance abuse problem.

The end goal as stated in the CMS letter is to improve the health and well-being of the able-bodied poor. The logic is that (1) for able-bodied individuals, regular work is an important component of overall health, and (2) all income-linked welfare programs (Medicaid included) induce incentives not to work, or to work less. There is a literature in economics that documents this incentive (see this paper by Aaron Yelowitz.) The mid-1990s welfare reform law required this sort of linking of work and welfare, and CMS argues this decision permits states to align Medicaid with other income-linked welfare programs. If the KFF study is right, the decision will have an effect on a minority (perhaps a substantial minority) of able-bodied Medicaid recipients, since the majority are already working.

Stanford Health Policy: Under current law, can states impose a work requirement as a condition of Medicaid eligibility?

Bhattacharya: For a state to impose a work requirement, they must request a waiver from the Social Security Act to conduct a demonstration project. These waivers are permitted under current law, but are provided at the discretion of the appropriate executive agencies, in this case, CMS. A different administration might decide not to permit these waivers, and I think in general the Obama administration was more reluctant to permit this kind of state experimentation. The main substance of the CMS decision is to broadly signal to states that they will now be willing to provide such waivers.

Stanford Health Policy: Do critics of the work-requirement waiver have valid fears that low-income elderly or disabled people will fall through the cracks on technicalities or challenging paperwork?

Bhattacharya: Paperwork mistakes and problems caused by bureaucratic indifference are always possible when it comes to a program like Medicaid, which has such a complicated variety of paths to qualify. It is an empirical question whether such considerations would be more salient were a state to impose work requirements for a subset of Medicaid enrollees on top of the existing requirements.  Every state has experience with similar work requirements for qualification for other welfare programs, such as temporary assistance for needy families (TANF). Given that, it seems unlikely to me that — because of technicalities or paperwork — additional work requirements would be incorrectly applied to many elderly or disabled people applying for Medicaid.

Stanford Health Policy: Some states have proposed tying Medicaid eligibility to work requirements using waiver authority that may be approved by the Trump administration. What could this mean for Medicaid recipients in those states? In Kentucky, which expanded Medicaid, some state officials have said work requirements could lessen the program’s impact on the state budget.

Bhattacharya: I suppose it could have some effect on state budgets by reducing the number of people who qualify for Medicaid. I anticipate only a small effect on state budgets, though, because through the ACA, the Feds pay 100 percent of Medicaid costs for people who qualify via the ACA’s income provision, although that gradually phases down to 90 percent in 2020 and remains at that level.

Stanford Health Policy: How will the states that do not apply for the waiver, such as the large-population states of California and New York, be impacted by this change in Medicaid policy?

Bhattacharya: States that do not apply for a waiver will maintain their existing requirement for Medicaid qualification, including no work requirements for able-bodied Medicaid enrollees who qualify through the ACA’s Medicaid provisions.

Paul Wise watched as children ran around a playground attached to a health clinic at a displaced persons camp on the outskirts of Mosul — the northern city in Iraq once controlled by the Islamic State but now back in the hands of the Iraqi government.

The children had survived the Battle of Mosul, which had fallen to ISIS in 2014 but was retaken by the government forces and allied militias during a nine-month military campaign that ended in July. Many of the children suffer from physical and mental wounds and Wise wondered how they would recover with so little medical infrastructure.

Wise was part of a small delegation of physician-academics asked to evaluate a World Health Organization-led system to treat civilians injured in the Mosul fighting. Wise and his colleagues recently slipped into Mosul to visit field hospitals, review health care on the ground and determine whether there is a better way to distribute medical aid during armed conflict.

The visit left the Stanford Medicine professor of pediatrics and senior fellow at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies with questions about health care, humanitarian ethics, and conduct of war: Are there better ways to deliver emergency medical care during the height of battle? How do relief workers maintain neutrality when embedded with government security forces? Has the system of financing humanitarian interventions — one that was essentially created during the Cold War — become dangerously outdated?

Answering these questions is the mission of a new health-and-security initiative at Stanford led by Wise, a core faculty member at Stanford Health Policy who has spent 40 years working to improve the health of children impacted by conflict. Much of his work has been in Guatemala through his Children in Crisis project, the first university-based program to address the needs of children in areas of unstable governance and civil war.

“In talking with the groups that are running these humanitarian efforts in Mosul, there was this uneasiness, this kind of disorientation with the way things are now,” said Wise. “It was a kind of recognition that humanitarian norms are changing, the health personnel and facilities are at greater risk; the financial gap between humanitarian need and humanitarian capability is growing; and the old way of financing humanitarian intervention is inadequate, archaic.”

An Interdisciplinary Approach

Wise believes academics are well suited to help resolve these humanitarian conundrums.

“So we are going to move ahead and try to bring all the players together to reconsider this global challenge. Here at Stanford, we have the capacity to draw upon remarkable resources,” he said.

The new biosecurity initiative led by Stanford Medicine physician and FSI senior fellow, David Relman, together with world-renowned political scientists, security specialists, computer scientists and health policy experts will “attempt to craft new strategies for the provision of critical services to populations affected by conflict and political stability.”

The initiative will collaborate with other institutions such as Johns Hopkins, UCSF, Harvard, and the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. It will also seek the engagement of partners committed to providing humanitarian services, including WHO, the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees, Doctors Without Borders and the International Committee of the Red Cross.

“The voice of communities impacted by war should also be an essential element in this ambitious effort,” Wise said. “To break new ground, we’re going to have to do things differently; the health strategies need to take into consideration fundamental understanding of the political dynamics. But we have a special opportunity here at Stanford because we take an interdisciplinary approach.”

Children of War

Most of the children Wise saw will never be the same, he said, nor the humanitarian workers who risked their lives to treat them, their families, and fighters from all sides of the battle to oust the Islamic extremists from the city on the Tigris River.

“I look at these little kids with horrendous emotional trauma and PTSD, and I think to myself, it’s the collision of all these questions playing out within a 50-square-meter little playground,” he said. “It’s these broader, strategic and ethical questions that are really profound. And as a pediatrician who is dedicating the last phase of my career to these questions of security and the political dimensions — I have to engage on all of these levels. That’s not easy.”

Wise traveled with WHO officials, as well as Paul Spiegel, a physician who leads the Center for Humanitarian Health at Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health; Adam Kushner, a trauma surgeon affiliated with Johns Hopkins; and Kent Garber, a surgical resident at UCLA and research associate at Johns Hopkins.

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Spiegel also believes academics are uniquely positioned to help assess the current system of responding to medical crises during conflict.

“I believe that we can bring objectivity and rigor to analyzing and evaluating important and innovative responses, such as the trauma response by WHO and others in Mosul,” Spiegel said. “Humanitarian organizations are often busy responding quickly to rapidly changing situations; they don’t always have the luxury of time to do what academic humanitarians can do.”

Making the two-hour drive from Erbil to Mosul in armored, bulletproof SUVs provided by the United Nations, they slipped into field hospitals to meet with Iraqi physicians and medical teams with the humanitarian agencies.

Wise, who was able to take a few photos and video on his smartphone, described the devastation on the ground, noting that not since the siege of Leningrad has a city of this size experienced such street-by-street fighting. In large parts of the city, virtually every building was bombed or bulleted. It will take years to clear the rubble and rebuild.

“It’s just a remarkable story of tragedy and resilience,” he said.

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Since the city was not long ago controlled by ISIS, the field hospitals are still surrounded by massive concrete barricades and tactical trucks stationed outside with mounted machine guns.

The team found that at the height of the battle for Mosul, there was tremendous pressure to treat injured civilians and discharge patients very quickly, due to the lack of medical infrastructure and personnel and the continuous wave of new injuries coming in.

“The charge for us was to evaluate the system and how well it worked, what ways could it be improved, how many lives that it saved,” Wise said. “One of the concerns, for example, was that in order to put in medical people that close to the frontline, you have to give them some kind of security. This raised issues among the humanitarians about their need for independence and neutrality, since you’re essentially embedding them with Iraqi security forces.”

Epidemiology and Ethics

“We are looking at the technical issues and the epidemiologic issues, but also dealing with the ethical issues and their implications,” he said.

They intend to write an internal report and then publish their findings in a major medical journal, to get the word out about the issue and gain support for ongoing collaborative work. They’re looking to partners like the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, which recently devoted an entire issue of its journal, Daedalus, to the factors and influences of contemporary civil war. One of the essays in that issue by Wise and his Stanford colleague, Dr. Michele Barry, who directs the Center for Innovation in Global Health, talks about the threat of a global pandemic as a potential byproduct of the 30 ongoing civil wars around the world.

“We’re trying to get the report completed quickly because the model of trauma care for civilians in Mosul is a new model and could be implemented in other combat areas, like the fighting in Syria and other places in Iraq,” Wise said.

Wise worries some see Stanford University as an insulated Silicon Valley institution in a beautiful setting and not always engaged in the real world.

“Well, this is about as engaged in the real world as you can get — this is Stanford moving and doing things out there, not just sitting around in seminar rooms. Sometimes you need to get close to the front lines to save lives,” he said.

When asked what surprised him during this trip to Mosul, Wise smiled.

“I’m sort of old and I’ve seen a lot of the world and not a lot surprises me anymore,” he said. “But it was a reminder of how desperate are the lives of millions of people — that we could do so much more. It’s a reminder of just how fragile physical security really is in this world."

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